Note to readers: The following is my analysis which includes newly revealed information from the book, The Ultimate Sacrifice: John and Bobby Kennedy an reports from the book, Crossfire The Plot that killed Kennedy by Jim Marrs and my research into CIA drug trafficking and the mafia/outfit.
In a
Both Khrushchev and President Eisenhower, seemed to have wanted to ease the tensions between their two countries. In the summer of 1959, Khrushchev visited the
Comment: There is some evidence outlined in the book, Crossfire, that Lee Harvey Oswald who had access to classified U-2 flight operational altitude, may have given the Soviets the secrets they needed to shoot down the first U-2 spy plane. That is, that CIA pilot Gary Powers was flying his U-2 below its operational altitude. Oswald had defected just prior to the U-2 shoot-down incident. [2]
The Good Neighbor Policy did not apply. In the spring of 1960, President Eisenhower secretly authorized the Central Intelligence Agency to arm and train anti-Castro Cuban exiles in
On
Comment: Could have been that Pres. Eisenhower realized that his plan for easing tensions with the communist was sabatoged by right-wing, anti-communist elements within the military and CIA?
Initially, Kennedy was fascinated by the concept, since by nature he was a strong believer in negotiation and limited response rather than simply using military options. Words such as counterinsurgency, pacification, and special forces began to creep into our political language. [1]
By mid-March, 1961 -- with the invasion only a month away, the CIA had 1,400 exiles, armed and trained -- (JFK) Kennedy was having second thoughts. The Trinidad Plan, an invasion (of Cuba) proposal hastily put together by the Pentagon (DoD), was rejected by the new president as "too spectacular," with its amphibious assault, air strikes, and landing of a provisional government. [3]
Kennedy wanted something quiet, something that would not reveal the involvement of the United States. [3]
A week before the (Bay of Pigs) invasion, Kennedy left no doubt as to his position on using US. military force to help the Cuban exiles. The New York Times carried a two-column headline reading: PRESIDENT BARS USING U.S. FORCES TO OUST CASTRO. The Cuban exiles were aghast. [3]
On April 15, 1961, less than three months after Kennedy took office. a force of six B-29 bombers left a secret airfield in Nicaragua to Cuba. It was scheduled to have been sixteen B-29s, but Kennedy ordered a reduction to "minimum" scale. On April 17, the CIA's secret army, the Cuban Brigade invaded Cuba. This air attack was only partially success in destroying Castro's tiny air force. A second air strike had been planned, but Kennedy hesitated growing more and more concerned that the entire world was realizing that the United States was supporting this invasion of another country. Secretary of State, Dean Rusk argued that no further air strikes be attempted unit it could be made to look like the planes came from captured Cuban airfields by the Cuban Brigade.[3]
The Top Secret codename for the Bay of Pigs operation, was Operation Zapata.
Zapata Petroleum or Zapata Offshore was a Midland, TX oil company headed by George Bush Sr. There is a lot of evidence that Zapata Petrolleum was a CIA front company used to support the Bay of Pigs invasion. “A source with close connections to the intelligence community confirms that Bush Sr. started working for the Agency in 1960 or 1961, using his oil business as a cover for clandestine operations. (p. 331) [1] Plausible Denial by Mark Lane.
Joseph McBride, wrote two articles in The Nation and disclosed that George Bush had been involved with the CIA before JFK has been assassinated. He examined an FBI memo dated Nov. 29, 1963 from Hoover to the State Department, subject: “Assassination of President John F. Kennedy November 22, 1963”. It stated that FBI SA W. T. Forsyth and Captain William Edwards of the Defense Intelligence Agency briefed “Mr. George Bush of the CIA“. McBride states, “A source with close connections to the intelligence community confirms that Bush started working for the Agency in 1960 or 1961, using his oil business as a cover for clandestine operations. Barry & 'the boys: The CIA, the Mob and America's Secret History.
Then there is the question of the Brigade 2506 (Bay of Pigs) landing fleet, which was composed of five older freighters bought or chartered from the Garcia Steamship Lines, bearing the names of Houston, Rio Esondido, Caribe, Atlantic, and Lake Charles. In addition to these vessels, which were outfitted as transport ships, there were two somewhat better armed fire support ships, the Blagar and the Barbara. (In some sources Barbara J.) 8 The Barbara was originally an LCI (Landing Craft Infantry) of earlier vintage. Our attention is attracted at once to the Barbara and the Houston, in the first case because we have seen George Bush Sr.'s habit of naming his combat aircraft after his wife, and, in the second case, because Bush was at this time a resident, booster, and Republican activist of Houston, Texas. But of course, the appearance of names like "Zapata," Barbara, and Houston can by itself only arouse suspicion, and proves nothing.
After the embarrassing failure of the invasion, Kennedy fired Allen Dulles, his deputy Bissell, and CIA deputy Director Charles Cabell (whose brother was the mayor of Dallas at the time Kennedy was shot). http://www.tarpley.net/bush8b.htm
Gen Lemnitzer, Chairman of the Joint Chief of Staff, believed that the Bay of Pigs Invasion would fail (based on his military assessment of the invasion force and the Cuban defense forces), but withheld his judgment from President Kennedy. (Source: Body of Secrets, p. 82)
The CIA knew in advance that the date of the invasion had been leaked to the Russians, who had in turn relayed that information to Castro. In spite of this information, the head of the CIA, Allen Dulles, ordered the Bay of Pigs Operation forward. The CIA's intention was for Kennedy to send in jets to bomb Cuba and for the Marines to join the (US trained and equipped Cuban "freedom fighters") brigade already on land. If this had happened the survivors would have been placed in a Cuban prison, which would have created an uproar by the American public and forced Kennedy to order a full-scale invasion. High-ranking officials within the CIA spread the myth that Kennedy was responsible for the failure of the invasion. Many Cubans continue to hold this belief when, in truth, the betrayal lies with Allen Dulles and the CIA. (Source: Crime So Immense, Texas Observer, May 26, 2000)
As a result, Kennedy felt he had been lead down the primrose path by optimistic CIA officials. Following a shake-up in US intelligence over the Bay of Pigs disaster (translated: losing a non-Congressionally undeclared WAR) a special board of inquiry was convened to learn what went wrong. It was here that both John and Robert Kennedy began to learn what the new military doctrines of counterinsurgency, flexible response, civic action, and nation building really meant. They learned how the obsession with secrecy had completely changed the way the military and intelligence operated. (Gen Stillwell's new strategic war plan of 1959 noted above.) [4]
Also soon after the WAR -- Attorney General Robert Kennedy took responsibility for overseeing Cuban affairs. A new much more secret, covert operation -- was began to be waged against Castro under the code name JM/WAVE. JM/WAVE operated on the campus of the University of Miami under the cover of an electronics firm. By mid-1962, this operation involved nearly six hundred CIA case officers, as meaning as three thousand contract assets (mostly Cuban refugees) , and numerous front companies. [3]
JM/WAVE involved nearly nightly raids on Cuba -- landing saboteurs, dropping propaganda leaflets, and occasional military-style raids -- which actually achieved very little. [3]
Another WAR plan was written case a Cuban official volunteered to depose Fidel Castro, code named AM/WORLD.
When Theodore Shackley became CIA station chief in Miami in 1962 he inherited the CIA's "executive action" program. "Executive action" is the CIA's euphemism for the assassination of foreign leaders. The abortive Bay of Pigs invasion of Cuba, launched on April 16-17, 1961, prepared with the assistance of the CIA's "Miami Station" (also known under the code name JM/WAVE). After the failure of the amphibious landings of Brigade 2506, Miami station, under the leadership of Theodore Shackley, became the focus for Operation Mongoose, a series of covert operations directed against Castro, Cuba, and possibly other targets. see more below: http://www.tarpley.net/bush8b.htm
In 1962 a Canadian agricultural technician working as an adviser to the Cuban government was paid $5,000 by the CIA to infect Cuban turkeys with a virus which would produce the fatal Newcastle Disease. 8,000 turkeys subsequently died.
Declassified CIA documents later revealed that in 1956 and 1958 the US Army had loosed swarms of specially bred mosquitoes in Georgia and Florida to study their use as weapons in a biological war.
In 1962 the Pentagon and the CIA were desperate for a war with Cuba. How desperate? Desperate enough to plan attacks against American bases, equipment and personnel. Desperate enough to dress up American trained Cubans as Communists to make the attacks on American bases. Desperate enough to manufacture an airplane that looked like a Russian MiG to shoot down an American airliner.
During 1969 and 1970, the CIA used futuristic weather modification technology to ravage Cuba's sugar crop. Planes from the China Lake Naval Weapons Center in the California desert overflow the island, seeding rain clouds with crystals that precipitated torrential rains and killer flash floods over non-agricultural areas and left the cane fields arid. In 1971 the CIA supplied Cuban exiles with a virus that causes African swine fever. Six weeks later, an outbreak of the disease in Cuba forced the slaughter of 500,000 pigs to prevent a nation-wide animal epidemic. ----
In 1975 George Bush Sr. became director of the CIA and Ted Shackley received yet another promotion, this time to Deputy Director of Intelligence in charge of world wide covert operations. http://www.tarpley.net/bush8b.htm
John and Robert Kennedy had devised and were executing a secret plan to overthrow Fidel Castro on December 1, 1963. “The Plan for a Coup in Cuba” (as it was titled in a memo for the Joint Chiefs of Staff) would include a “palace coup” to eliminate Castro, allowing a new Cuban “Provisional Government” to step into the power vacuum, and would be supported by a “full-scale invasion” of Cuba by the US military, if necessary , War plan code named AM/WORLD.
JFK’s assassination on November 22, 1963
Three powerful Mafia dons—Carlos Marcello, Santo Trafficante, and Johnny Rosselli—learned of the plan and realized that the government would go to any lengths to avoid revealing AM/WORLD (or JM/WAVE) to the public. [5]
In order to halt the Kennedy administration’s unrelenting prosecution of them and their allies, they thought they could assassinate JFK with relative impunity. They were confident that any such exposure could push America to the brink of war with Cuba and the Soviet Union, meaning that they could assassinate JFK with relative impunity.[5]
Robert Kennedy told several close associates that Carlos Marcello was behind JFK’s death, but he couldn’t reveal what he knew to the public or to the Warren Commission without AM/WORLD being uncovered. As this book shows, RFK and other key government officials worried that exposure of the plan could trigger another nuclear confrontation with the Soviets, just a year after the Cuban Missile Crisis.
[5]
Early in 1962, Robert Kennedy was trying to prosecute a top mafia boss, Sam Giancana, when he found the CIA interceding on Giancana's behalf. Pursing the matter, Kennedy was finally told about the earlier deals between the CIA and mafia to kill Castro.[6]
Chuck Giancana wrote a biography of his brother, Double Cross. He writes that was killed by both the CIA and the Outfit because, Bobby and Jack went against the Outfit after being helped greatly to get Jack elected. Jack Ruby was more than just a bar owner in Dallas. He says the CIA and the mafia are one and the same.
He also writes that Sam Giancana was the leader of the mafia in the US and he control all the heroin trafficking from south east Asia and other places in the world. (Source: Double Cross) See background below,
Marcello, Trafficante, and Rosselli had several things in common, in addition to confessing their roles in JFK’s assassination in later years. The three were close associates who met at least once or twice a year, sometimes at a secluded location free from FBI surveillance revealed in this book for the first time. All three were under intense and unrelenting pressure from Attorney General Bobby Kennedy by 1963, pressure that had begun in 1957. All three were in business with Jimmy Hoffa, who was also under constant prosecution from Bobby Kennedy. But unlike Hoffa—a high profile, very public figure—these three godfathers shunned the limelight and were unknown to the general public in 1963. All three had dealings with mobster Jack Ruby and had associates close to Lee Harvey Oswald. All three had links to the French Connection heroin ring. All three had worked for the CIA, in attempts to assassinate Castro. And despite the Kennedys’ best efforts, all three had operatives who had managed to penetrate the AM/WORLD plan without the Kennedy's knowledge.
Why these three Mafia bosses were willing to risk killing the President in 1963 can be explained only by looking at their operations before they came under assault by the Kennedy's. That was the era they wanted to return to, a time when J. Edgar Hoover publicly denied that the Mafia even existed.
Why these three Mafia bosses were willing to risk killing the President in 1963 can be explained only by looking at their operations before they came under assault by the Kennedy's. That was the era they wanted to return to, a time when J. Edgar Hoover publicly denied that the Mafia even existed.
Carlos Marcello, Santo Trafficante, and Johnny Rosselli were each powerful in their own right by the 1950s. But the more they worked together, the more powerful they became. Their combined actions are rarely discussed outside of obscure government reports, old newspaper articles, and a few books, some long out of print. The House Select Committee on Assassinations volumes had some good information on Marcello, less on Trafficante, and strangely little on Johnny Rosselli, so it never gave a clear sense of how the mob bosses worked together. The action they took together in 1963 to assassinate JFK was not the first time they had worked together or the first time they had assassinated public officials. Likewise, AM/WORLD wasn’t the first CIA operation the three mob bosses had infiltrated—that was something they had done several times in the years before they killed JFK.
Marcello received special treatment not only from the national Mafia, but also from local, state, and even federal officials. According to a recent history of the Federal Bureau of Narcotics (FBN) (predecessor to the DEA). The history of the FBN goes on to say that Bobby “Kennedy wanted to nail Trafficante and Marcello, but the FBN had only four agents in its Miami and New Orleans offices, and the FBI—though it had the manpower—chose not to place wiretaps on them. These two were the only Mafiosi to receive such privileged treatment from J. Edgar Hoover.”
The FBN history quotes Clarence Giarusso, a veteran New Orleans narcotic agent and later its chief of police, to explain Marcello’s freedom from prosecution: “We don’t care about Carlos Marcello or the Mafia. City cops have no interest in who brings the dope in. That’s the job of federal agents.” However, even some federal agencies weren’t interested in Marcello’s heroin trafficking. In 1959, FBN agent Tony Zirilli “was set up because he had gotten close to” making a case on “Carlos Marcello through Marcello’s girlfriend.”
Long before Bobby Kennedy became US Attorney General, he knew about “Marcello’s representative in Dallas, Joe Civello,” according to a recent history of the Federal Bureau of Narcotics (FBN). While chief counsel for the Senate “Rackets” Committee in the late 1950s, Bobby “suspected that Marcello, through Trafficante in Florida . . . played a dominant role in international drug trafficking. As Bobby was certainly aware, the FBN office in New Orleans believed that Marcello received narcotics from Trafficante in Florida on Teamsters trucks and that” Marcello had a front company that “smuggled drugs from Mexico ‘without interference from customs.’”
Frank Ragano, the lawyer for Jimmy Hoffa and Santo Trafficante, wrote that “Santo mentioned obliquely that Marcello’s power extended to Texas, where he had placed an under-boss, Joe Civello, to run rackets out of Dallas. FBI agents were informed that Jack “Ruby was a frequent visitor and associate of Civello, after Ruby moved to Dallas.” Ruby was linked by several witnesses to narcotics traffic, and “federal agents” found “telephone communications” between Civello and “a major trafficker in narcotics” from New York.
The action they took together in 1963 to assassinate JFK was not the first time they had worked together or the first time they had assassinated public officials. Likewise, AM/WORLD wasn’t the first CIA operation the three mob bosses had infiltrated—that was something they had done several times in the years before they killed JFK.
Shortly before JFK’s assassination, a Marcello associate used a vending-machine executive to pay Jack Ruby several thousand dollars, according to JFK press secretary (and former Senate crime investigator) Pierre Salinger.
Marcello’s political savvy and largess extended to national politics, important to someone whose territory covered many states and who was subject to deportation by federal authorities. His influence in Washington sprang from several sources. Marcello employed a well-connected Washington, D.C. lobbyist whose clients included the Somoza family. Lyndon Johnson, then one of the most powerful members of the Senate, received support from Marcello during the 1950s, in the same way that powerful mobsters supplied money to powerful politicians in many parts of the country.
Marcello’s biographer,John Davis writes that “Marcello’s payoff man in Texas in the fifties . . . had been a principal financial backer of Lyndon Johnson’s political campaigns in Texas from the late forties on, to the extent that it could be said that illegal profits from Marcello’s slot machines in Dallas and Houston . . . were crucial to the success of Johnson’s senatorial campaigns.” Davis says that “Johnson, because of his dependence on” this money, “had helped kill in committee all antiracketeering legislative proposals that could have affected . Marcello’s activities in Texas.”
In 1956, when construction on Rosselli and Marcello’s Tropicana was started, Las Vegas needed glitzier casinos and more big-name entertainment to compete with the exotic tropical locale of Havana. Havana casinos at the time were also generally classier, while Havana itself offered more in terms of vice. In addition, Las Vegas can be cold in the winter and sweltering in the summer, in contrast to the year-round ocean breezes of coastal Havana.
After JFK’s death, John Davis, writes that Marcello had “enough on Johnson so that the new President would not wish an investigation to turn up evidence of Carlos [Marcello’s] complicity.”
In Rosselli’s case, his associates brought him surprisingly close not just to John and Bobby Kennedy, but also to Senator Barry Goldwater. Rosselli had two close friends of Senator Goldwater assassinated in the late 1950s.
Rosselli’s influence in Hollywood continued into the early 1960s, where he and his associates tried to prevent a film from being made of Bobby Kennedy’s best-selling Mafia exposé The Enemy Within.
1. Crossfire, The Plot That Killed Kennedy, by Jim Marrs., p. 303-304.
2. Crossfire, p. 114
3. Crossfire, p. 140-141
4. Crossfire, p. 304
5. http://ultimatesacrificethebook.com/outline
6. Crossfire, p. 142.
Comment: Background of the CIA and mafia being one and the same outfit.
1947 to 1951, FRANCEAccording to Alfred W. McCoy in The Politics of Heroin in Southeast Asia,
CIA arms, money, and disinformation enabled Corsican criminal syndicates in Marseille to wrestle control of labor unions from the Communist Party. The Corsicans gained political influence and control over the docks -- idealconditions for cementing a long-term partnership with mafia drug
distributors, which turned Marseille into the postwar heroin capital of the Western world. Marseille's first heroin laboratories were opened in 1951, only months after the Corsicans took over the waterfront. Source: A brief history of CIA involvement in the Drug Trade by William Blum
The rationale behind the CIA's support for drug traffickers in the region was best summed up by General Tuan Shi-wen, a veteran of the Agency's covert war in Burma: 'We have to continue to fight the evil of Communism and to fight you must have an army, and an army must have guns, and to buy guns you must have money. In these mountains, the only money is opium.
http://www.csun.edu/CommunicationStudies/ben/news/cia/970504.hist.html
By 1953, the CIA had supplied General Phao with $35 million of naval vessels, arms, armoured vehicles, communications equipment and aircraft, and the Agency had 275 agents working with Phao's police. Phao became Thailand's most ardent anti-Communist and it appears that his major task was to support the KMT's political aims in Thailand and its guerrilla units in Burma. Phao protected KMT supply shipments, marketed their opium and helped to generate support for the KMT among Thailand's overseas Chinese community, the richest in Asia.
U.S. Ambassador William Donovan, founder of the OSS and senior adviser to the CIA, hailed Phao's police state as "the free world's strongest bastion in Southeast Asia." By 1955, Phao's National Police Department (TNPD) had become the largest opium-trafficking syndicate in the country and was intimately involved in every phase of the narcotics trade. The level of corruption was remarkable, even by Thai standards. Police border guards escorted the KMT
opium caravans from the Thai-Burma border to police warehouses in Chiangmai. From there, police guards brought it to Bangkok by train or police aircraft. Then it was loaded onto civilian coastal vessels and escorted by the maritime police to a mid-ocean rendezvous with freighters bound for Hong Kong or Singapore.
The military elite that ruled the country grew immensely wealthy from their drug monopoly and from ties to the CIA.
General Vang Pao organized sabotage forays into China for the CIA and sold Burmese opium to another CIA protégé, General Phoumi Nosavan, political leader of the Laotian right-wing. The economic alliance between Phoumi and the Hmong opened up a new trading pattern that supplied increasingly significant quantities of Burmese opium for the flourishing Laotian heroin laboratories.
Phoumi had come to power in 1958 when an unexpected electoral victory by the Pathet Lao movement panicked the U.S. Fearing that Laos might eventually turn Communist, the CIA financed the formation of a right-wing coalition, while the State Department plunged the government into a fiscal crisis by cutting off all aid. Little more than three months after the elections, Prime Minister Souvanna Phouma and his neutralist government resigned. A new right-wing government took control, declaring: "We are anti-Communists." The State Department provided funds of $3 million a month to the new government. Backed by the CIA, Phoumi became a cabinet minister and a general, and with his personal CIA agent always by his side, plotted coups, rigged elections and helped the CIA build up its Secret Army in Laos.
Ted Shackley exercised overall command over the Agency's covert operations in Laos. (He later managed Operation Phoenix, the CIA's mass murder "pacification" programme in Vietnam). Shackley's CIA deputy in Laos, Tom Clines, managed ground support activities for the war, and U.S. Air Force liaison Richard Secord, then a lieutenant colonel, supplied most of the aircraft for Air America and other CIA proprietary airlines.
Shackley, Clines, (Oliver North) and Secord, together with Robert Jantzen, the CIA's station chief in Thailand and CIA officer Edwin Wilson, were cited in the late 1970s in the scandal in Australia, which was found to be heavily involved in drug trafficking between Thailand and Australia, as well as money laundering and illegal weapons deals.
Colonel Edward 0. Lansdale, leading CIA operative during the Agency's drug trafficking activities in Southeast Asia. However, despite knowing that the Corsicans were heavily involved in the drugs traffic, Lansdale took no action against them but instead arranged a "truce" in which he agreed to turn a blind eye to their activities in order to avoid embarrassment to Premier Ky and the South Vietnamese government, which Washington was supporting in its war against the Communists in the North.
In late 1969, both the American Mafia and Marseilles's Corsican syndicates were looking for new sources of heroin and morphine base and moved to Saigon when they saw that the Vietnam war had opened up a new market for them among American GIs. The CIA's Senior Liaison Office, under the command of Edward Lansdale, worked closely with South Vietnamese Premier Nguyen Cao Ky's administration during the war, and Ky was heavily involved in narcotics trafficking. One of Ky's strongest supporters in the air force, Colonel Phan Phung Tien, was close to many Corsican gangsters and was implicated in the smuggling of drugs between Laos and Vietnam.
A retired DEA Agent, Michael Levine told me he saw heroin being shipped in bodies by the CIA. Agent Levine was working undercover in Thailand for the DEA at the time. When he tired to report this, his report on this drug trafficking was covered up by CIA.
Well out of the glare of public scrutiny, leading banks have sinister connections with organized crime and the intelligence community. Some of the largest and most respectable banks happily turn a blind-eye to their clients' covert drug activities and earn massive commissions from laundering dirty money.
Of a massive $6 trillion that annually circulates around the world's financial markets, one quarter - $1.5 trillion - is illicit, and a third of this, $500 billion, relates to the narcotics trade. More money is spent globally on dope than food. $200 billion of narcotics are shipped to the U.S. each year, roughly one third of the total annual import bill. Recent forensic testing carried out randomly throughout the United States revealed that virtually every single banknote contained microscopic traces of cocaine.
The CIA needs "black" funds to finance covert operations that cannot be funded by official or legal channels. Arms and military hardware are happily exchanged for narcotics, which are in turn peddled for money that is used to finance further black operations. This approach to money raising on the part of the intelligence services reveals a long history of entanglements with the Mafia. The exposures of the BCCI and Nugan Hand Banks led to spectacular revelations of how the CIA uses the international financial community to finance its murky covert operations...
NUGAN HAND
One of the earliest revelations of the CIA's involvement with laundering drug money came with the collapse of the Nugan Hand Bank. One of the founding partners of the bank, Michael Jon Hand, was a Green Beret who served with the CIA for two years, fighting with Hmong guerrillas in northern Laos. It was here that he acquired the expertise in narcotics that he later applied to building the bank.
Hand moved to Sydney in 1967, where he became involved in selling real estate to Americans serving in Southeast Asia. He maintained many of his CIA contacts; 19 of the 71 shareholders of his company Australasian and Pacific Holdings Ltd. were employees of the CIA's Air America and Continental Air Services.
Nugan Hand Bank was the conduit through which the secret team formed by Shackley, Wilson, Clines, Secord and co. funneled the massive fortune generated by heroin pipeline. The money was used to finance covert paramilitary operations such as the supply of the Contras. A central figure in the handling of Vang Pao's drug profits was former naval officer Richard L. Armitage, whose official duty in Thailand was "special consultant" to the Pentagon. However, Armitage actually functioned as a "bursar", overseeing the transfer of Vang Pao's heroin profits to Shackley's Nugan Hand account in Tehran. From late 1973 until the ultimate withdrawal of U.S. forces from Indochina in April 1975, money was smuggled out of Vietnam in large suitcases by Secord and Clines, and deposited in a secret Nugan Hand account in Australia. Armitage later became Assistant Secretary of Defense for International Security Affairs.
http://www.csun.edu/CommunicationStudies/ben/news/cia/
In accordance with Title 17 U.S.C. Section 107, this material is distributed without profit for research and educational purposes. MY NEWSLETTER has no affiliation whatsoever with the originator of this article nor is MY NEWSLETTER endorsed or sponsored by the originator.)
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Kenneth R. Brown, professor of biology at Brown University said, "Scientific theories are not hunches. When we say 'theory,' we mean a strong, overarching explanation that ties together many facts and enables us to make testable predictions."
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