Critics of U. S. doctrine also examined the tendency of policymakers to evade responsibility for terror and ignore its consequences. An essay coauthored by the French Indochina expert Bernard Fall, a bitter critic of National Liberation Front terror, and Marcus Raskin eloquently rebutted claims that American terror was somehow accidental (so-called collateral terror), indirect (executed at once remove, by its allies), or in any manner excusable. [29]
Now that American units arc actively engaged in combat in Vietnam, it is specious and immoral to argue that this is not "their" war and that they arc not responsible for the indiscriminate killing or maiming of civilians.... This applies equally to the use of torture and other forceful means of interrogation, and the deliberate killing of captured combatants. [30]
Although the United States announced in 1965 that the norms of the Geneva Conventions would be adhered to in Vietnam, Fall and Raskin note that in fact they were not. [31] Furthermore, they found the detachment with which American managers ran the
war ominous: "There is another point to the sadism and torture. Bureaucracies may involve themselves in such matters almost antiseptically. That is a dangerous trend in government. [32]
In the book, SPITE HOUSE., by former Marine Col Tom McKenny tells how in 1968 over 100 alleged US defectors and/or US POWs (held by the North Vietnamese) were assassinated killed by US hunter-killer sniper Teams. The book also tell about how over 300 additional US POWs were assassinated even after the last US troops had been pulled out of Vietnam (1975). Lists of those to be killed were provided by the CIA to Special Forces hunter- killer teams. These Teams dressed up to look like North Vietnamese (a war crime). Col McKenny was a leader of the Marine Corp's Teams. This book also talks about how the US Army falsely accused and framed one x-POW.
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US government cover-up of the fact that US Vietnam POW/MIAs were left behind in Southeast Asia and this cover-up is linked to trafficking in drugs and guns by the CIA, (or the shadow CIA) organizations with ties to the US intelligence and military. A great deal of pressure was placed on 60 minutes TV news executive and others to keep this story from coming to the attention of the American public. The reporters of this story had alleged the use of nerve agent (chemical weapons) were used in the extraction of behind the enemy lines teams with helicopters. Nerve agent was dropped on enemy troop chasing/pursuing these special forces covert American (long range surveillance/ sniper teams) soldiers to aid in their rescue/retreat from the enemy. (Source: Kiss the Boys Goodbye, by Monika and Bill Stevenson).
Cambodia PROJECT CHERRY
The "operational" members of PROJECT CHERRY were Cambodians recruited from the KHMER SEREI, the Government In Exile from Cambodia, violently anti-SIHANOUK and dedicated to the overthrow of the Cambodian Government. The KHMER SEREI was recognized by the Vietnamese Government and operated openly in South Vietnam. PROJECT CHERRY employed twelve members of the KHMER SEREI. Their missions included the conduct of BLACK TERROR against the civilian population of Cambodia, while leaving evidence of their atrocities blaming Cambodian forces for their actions. The purpose of these activities was to create CIVIL UNREST and a rebellion against the Cambodian Regime. It worked. Similar operations utilizing KHMER SEREI were also directed from the United States Embassy in Bangkok, Thailand.
Army Special Forces Captain John McCarthy was the Case Officer in Saigon, of a CIA directed covert operation code-named PROJECT CHERRY. The operational mission of CHERRY was a redundant, three-pronged assassination team targeted against Prince NORODOM SIHANOUK, the head of state of Cambodia.
Although McCarthy was technically a member of the United States Military and Special Forces, his role as Case Officer of PROJECT CHERRY necessitated an elaborate Cover Story as a member of the Department of Defense (DOD) and was covered by identification issued by the United States Embassy in Saigon under an assumed name (John McAlister). This "cover" included absolute directives not to openly associate with any members of our military forces in Vietnam.
PROJECT CHERRY was not a Special Forces mission. This CIA activity employed Special Forces personnel who were selected for their expertise in relevant skills necessary for the conduct of BLACK TERROR and ASSASSINATION missions. The Project was buried deep within a Military Intelligence unit which was itself operating under the guise of a Civic Action Team, a common CIA cover for covert operations world-wide. Although members of the Civic Action team wore various military uniforms and carried on activities as though they were legitimate military officers, some were full time CIA Agents.
PROJECT CHERRY, it turns out, had been compromised by the penetration of an individual who, while holding the rank as the First Secretary of the KHMER SEREI, was the PRINCIPAL AGENT of PROJECT CHERRY and also an Operative Agent of the SOVIET KGB. He was also employed by the SIHANOUK Government at the same time. This information was provided to the United States Embassy in Saigon in February, 1967, by the leader of the KHMER SEREI, SON NGOC THANH. The Americans of PROJECT CHERRY were not notified of this revelation.
During the course of events in November, 1967, McCarthy was directed to disband PROJECT CHERRY, supposedly for budgetary considerations, and disburse its members to collateral organizations. All Cambodian members of PROJECT CHERRY were subsequently rehired by Studies and Observations Groups (SOG) targeting Cambodia.
Because the US State Depart. was not privy to these activities in Cambodia, There stands a very good chance that the operations conducted by PROJECT CHERRY were a rogue CIA directed activity designed to prolong and extend the war in South East Asia.
"The killing, of course, is part of a definite political strategy, a strategy usually described as the 'pacification' of Vietnamese villagers. In his book The Betrayal, Lt. Col. William R. Corson, an ex-Marine who had been in charge of pacification teams, describes the pacification program in a DMZ village complex: 'We had conspired with the government of South Vietnam to literally destroy the hopes, aspirations and emotional stability of thirteen thousand human beings....This was not war it is genocide....'."
http://www.vvawai.org/sw/sw31/pgs_03-14/my_lai.html
Lt.Col. William Corson commanded Marines' pacification program in South Vietnam CIVIL OPERATIONS RURAL DEVELOPMENT SUPPORT, (CORDS). There is no shortage of documentary and anecdotal evidence that free-flowing CORDS aid lined the pockets of South Vietnamese generals and bureaucrats, deepening the corruption problem, not solving it.
http://www.carlisle.army.mil/usawc/Parameters/06spring/c&rspring.htm
CIA and MACV were intensely involved in
CORDS, which was run in conjunction with the Saigon government.
CIA-veteran Robert H. Komer initially headed
CORDS, but it was most active and successful under William E. Colby, who replaced Komer in 1968.
Colby had served as chief of station in Saigon from 1959 to 1962 and as chief of the Far Eastern Division since then. Colby believed the
United States must rid the south of the existing communist parallel government in the villages and eradicate the Viet Cong Infrastructure (VCI) in the countryside. Thus
CORDS, while working on village defense and civic action programs--the latter included land reform, infrastructure building, and economic development-
-also devoted considerable resources to rooting out the VCI. Another component of CORDS was the Phoenix Program.
Although Phoenix was run and ostensibly controlled by the Saigon government, CIA funded and administered it.
For 13 months in 1966 and '67 Corson served as commander of 3,500 men in 114 platoons spread out in hamlets across five provinces in South Viet Nam. Corson firmly believed that Americans first had to win the trust of the villagers if the war was to be won. Disillusionment set in when the Pentagon began stressing body counts and adopted what he calls a "strategy of attrition." He was especially incensed over the search-and-destroy missions ordered by General William C. Westmoreland. Corson argues that the missions not only failed to destroy the enemy but devastated the Vietnamese people. "I tried to convince them they were doing the wrong thing," he says. "I felt there was a pox on both houses: the South Viet Nam government and the Viet Cong. They were predators against the people."
http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,953021,00.html
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To retaliate against Communist China for its intervention into the Korean War, President Truman had ordered the CIA to organize these Nationalist elements inside Burma for an invasion of China. The idea was that the masses of southwestern China would rise up in revolt against communism and China would evidently pull its troops out of Korea, and our troops in Korea would be saved.
After their invasions of 1950 were repulsed with heavy casualties, these Nationalist troops camped along the border for another decade and turned to opium trading to finance their operations. Forcing local hill tribes that produced opium, the Nationalist troops supervised a massive increase of opium production on the Shan Plateau of Burma.
Chiang Kai-Shek's men, funded by the CIA in a hopeless notion that they could retake mainland China, became the foot soldiers of the Asian drug armies. They persuaded Burmese farmers to switch from growing food to growing opium. The CIA put Paul Helliwell in charge of Sea Supply Corporation in Bangkok. The company was a CIA front shipping firm, which used CAT planes to deliver weapons and food to Burma and fly out drugs.
Throughout the Cold War, the CIA used gangsters and war lords, many of them drug dealers, to fight communism. As the Cold War ends, our list of CIA's assets who use their alliance with the Agency to deal drugs grows ever longer. It includes Marseilles Corsicans, Lao generals, Thai police, Nationalist Chinese irregulars, Afghan rebels, Pakistani intelligence, Haitian colonels, Mexican police units, Guatemalan military, and look through your local paper for further listings. During the forty years of the Cold War, government intelligence services-our own CIA included--forged covert action alliances with some of Asia's key opium traffickers, inadvertently contributing to an initial expansion of opium production. In one of history's accidents, a very important accident, the Iron Curtain came crashing down along the Asian opium zone that stretches for five thousand miles from Turkey to Thailand, making these rugged, opium-producing highlands a key front of Cold War confrontation. During the Cold War, the CIA and allied agencies mounted operations in this opium zone. It found that ethnic warlords were its most effective covert action assets.
These leaders exploited the CIA alliance to become drug lords, expanding opium production and exporting refined heroin. The Agency tolerated such trafficking and when necessary blocked investigations. Since ruthless drug lords made effective anti-Communists, and heroin profits amplified their power,
The CIA's policy of tolerance towards its Laotian allies did not change even when they began producing heroin to supply U.S. combat forces fighting in South Vietnam. In 1968-1969, CIA assets opened a cluster of heroin laboratories in the Golden Triangle region where Burma, Thailand and Laos converge. When Hmong officers loaded opium on the CIA's Air America and the Lao army's commander-in-chief opened a heroin lab to supply U.S. troops in South Vietnam, the Agency was silent. In a secret internal report compiled in 1972, the CIA Inspector General said the following to explain their inaction: "The past involvement of many of these officers in drugs is well-known. But their goodwill considerably facilitates the military activities of Agency-supported irregulars."
In 1954, when CIA officer Lucien Conein and Colonel Ed Lansdale arrived in Vietnam, the Corsican mafia was already using Saigon and paying its officials for the export of heroin. At the same the CIA was making sure the Corsican mafia took control of the French ports like Marseille vs. the Communists. (p. 346).
At the same time, both the American Mafia and Marseilles's Corsican syndicates were looking for new sources of heroin and morphine base and moved to Saigon when they saw that the Vietnam war had opened up a new market for them among American GIs. The CIA's Senior Liaison Office, under the command of Edward Lansdale, worked closely with South Vietnamese Premier Nguyen Cao Ky's administration during the war, and Ky was heavily involved in narcotics trafficking. One of Ky's strongest supporters in the air force, Colonel Phan Phung Tien, was close to many Corsican gangsters and was implicated in the smuggling of drugs between Laos and Vietnam However, despite knowing that the Corsicans were heavily involved in the drugs traffic, Lansdale took no action against them but instead arranged a "truce" in which he agreed to turn a blind eye to their activities in order to avoid embarrassment to Premier Ky and the South Vietnamese government, which Washington was supporting in its war against the Communists in the North.
By the 1960s, Santos Trafficante was doing business with Laotian warlords and also with Ngo Dinh Nhu, the brother of Ngo Dinh Diem (President of South Vietnam). Ngo Dinh Nhu collected protection money for allowing the Hmong and Montagnard tribesmen in the highlands of Vietnam to farm opium poppies. These tribesmen were rewarded for fighting for South Vietnam with free transportation on Air America for their opium crop.
According to DEA's John J. O'Neill and others, the policy was not to stop the drug business in Vietnam, but to win the war. River boats openly transported opium paste from the highlands down to Vietnam's delta, where vast amounts of the paste was processed into heroin. (p. 347) One of the secrets of the Vietnam War was the both brothers were at the Vietnamese end of the Corsican heroin trail. (p. 345)
In Laos, Shackley made use of a loyal cadre of Cuban refugees whom he had recruited for Operation Mongoose when he was the Chief of the Miami CIA station. These men were Felix Rodriquez, Frank Fiorni (aka Frank Sturgis ) and Rafael "Chi Chi" Quintero. E. (aka Eduardo) Howard Hunt was also working for Shackley. Later Sturgis and Hunt were arrested as Watergate burglars. Quintero, Shackley and Tom Cline played a major role in the Iran-Contra operation. These men bribed foreign leaders, moved tens of millions of dollars, and formed the cadre of a private, shadow spy organization within America's official intelligence service. (p. 344)
Shackley, Clines and Secord, together with Robert Jantzen, the CIA's station chief in Thailand and CIA officer Edwin Wilson, were cited in the late 1970s in the Hand Nugan Bank scandal in Australia, which was found to be heavily involved in drug trafficking between Thailand and Australia, as well as money laundering and illegal weapons deals
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In his book Crimes of Patriots, Jonathan Kwitney exposes the role of the Australian Nugan-Hand Bank in financing covert activities and heroin trafficking in Southeast Asia. The bank's mysterious growth and demise traces the reach of the tentacles of the Octopus.
The bank was founded by Frank Nugan, an insecure and incompetent Australian lawyer , and by Michael John Hand, a man with a high school degree who had gone to Vietnam with the Green Berets. He had served in Laos in the 1960's as a contract CIA operative, fighting with Thomas Clines, Theodore Shackley and Richard Secord, all very big names in the Iran-Contra scandal
Michael John Hand worked with William Colby, who had been CIA director during the time Shackley was in charge of the CIA office in Laos. Colby went on to become legal counsel for the Nugan-Hand bank where he worked with Michael Hand who was also a veteran of the CIA-run Laos war.
After allegations of drug smuggling against the bank surfaced in 1977, the Australian government began a fraud investigation into the bank's operation, and in 1980 Frank Nugan committed suicide. The investigations uncovered a network of money laundering, drug and arms dealing and still mysterious ties to the CIA.
In 1988, agents of the United States Customs Office in Tampa entrapped officials of BCCI in a drug money laundering scheme. In the ensuing years, the scandal widened until 1991, when the British government seized the bank on fraud charges.
Alfred McCoy speculates that if a congressional investigation would ask tough questions about BCCI, it would uncover drug trafficking and money laundering by United States allies protected from prosecution by the CIA. McCoy told the Shadow, "I think what we'll possibly discover is that the CIA was shipping its funds into Pakistan through BCCI, protecting BCCI thereby from serious investigations elsewhere in the world. That the Pakistan military were in fact banking their drug profits, moving their drug profits from the consuming country back to Pakistan though BCCI.
In fact the boom in the Pakistan drug trade was financed by BCCI. The interrelationship between the Afghan resistance and the CIA and the Pakistan drug trade can all be seen through the medium of BCCI, the banker to both operations, the resistance and the drug trade."
"The close relationship between the U.S. government, the financial community, and organized crime is nowhere clearer than in
"http://www.dcia.com/bcci.html" (BCCI) (Kappeler, Blumberg, and Potter, 1993: 237-238). BCCI was the seventh-largest privately owned bank in the world....Among its many criminal activities was the laundering
of at least $14 billion for the Colombian cocaine cartels; the facilitating of financial transactions for Panamanian president Manuel Noriega and international arms merchant Adnan Khashoggi; the funneling of cash to the contras for illegal arms deals and contra-backed
drug trafficking....
http://www.btinternet.com/~nlpwessex/Documents/WATcolby.htm
While the Department of Justice estimates that $100 billion in drug funds are laundered in the U.S. each year, other research, including research material from the Andean Commission of Jurists cited by author Dan Russell in his soon to be published book Drug War place the figure at around $250 billion per year. Catherine Austin Fitts places the figure at $250 to $300 billion. Given the fact that the UN estimated that in the early 1990s world retail volume in the illegal drugs was $440 billion, $250 billion seems about right. Fitts, using her Wall Street experience as an investment banker is then quick to point out that the multiplier effect (x6) of $250 billion laundered would result in $1.5 trillion dollars per year in U.S. cash transactions resulting from the drug trade.
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The Catholic Church also cooperated. U.S. ties to the Vatican were already substantial; one of the strongest links was a secret fraternity, the Rome-based Sovereign Military Order of Malta, which dates back to the First Crusade. OSS head William ``Wild Bill'' Donovan was a member. So were other top U.S. officials, including Myron Taylor, U.S. envoy to the Vatican from 1939 to 1950, and William Casey, an OSS operative who rose to CIA chief under Reagan. OSS Italy chief Brennan had contacts as early as 1942 with Vatican Under-Secretary of State Gian Battista Montini, who became Pope Paul VI in 1963.
U.S. officials were worried that the communists and socialists would join forces after the fighting. The communist takeover in Czechoslovakia in 1948 added to their fears. As a result, the U.S. cooked up a variety of plans to manipulate Italian politics. Angleton, who by late 1948 had been promoted to special assistant to CIA director Admiral Roscoe Hillenkoetter, used the Vatican's 20,000 Civic Committees to conduct psychological warfare against communist influences, particularly in the unions.
The Vatican Bank officially known as the Institute for Religious Works (IOR). It is owned and controlled by the pope.[1] The pope founded it in 1887 and in 1941, transformed it into a "for profit" bank. It is the bank of the mini country, Vatican City and whose government is called The Holy Sea. The bank functions as the Roman Catholic Church's private bank.
In September 1943, the Nazis transferred funds from the Reichsbank to the Vatican Bank and from the Vatican Bank to Nazi controlled banks in Switzerland. As the Allies were approaching gold was transferred from SS accounts.
In 1945, the Vatican Bank was a major partner in the disappearance of $200 million form the German puppet state, Croatia. The Croatian Nazis called Ustashe, slaughtered (genocide) 500,000 Orthodox Christians Serbs, Jews, and Gypsies. This money was used to fund the Stashed government -in-exile in Argentina. According to reports from OSS. Office of Strategic Services, (OSS) was the precursor to the CIA) and reports from US Army counterintelligence in the last days of WW II, a Croatian treasure convoy made its way to Austria, where it was intercepted by British officials. The money preceded to Rome unimpeded by military authorities. In Rome, Dominic Mandic helped deposit the money into Franciscan accounts at the Vatican Bank. [2]
Two ancient, mysterious, international fraternities kept the loosely-linked Gladio programs from flying apart. The Knights of Malta played a formative role after the war, but the order of Freemasonry and its most notorious lodge in Italy, known as Propaganda Due (pronounced ``doo-ay'' ), or P-2, was far more influential. In the late 1960s, its ``Most Venerable Master'' was Licio Gelli, a Knight of Malta who fought for Franco with Mussolini's Black Shirts. At the end of World War II, Gelli faced execution by Italian partisans for his Nazi collaboration, but escaped by joining the U.S. Army Counter Intelligence Corps. In the 1950s, he was recruited by SIFAR.
The Catholic church played a major role in Pres. Kennedy's actions. Kennedy forged a secret relationship between Latin Jesuits to fight the spread of evangelical protestantism and freemasonary in Latin America and allocated U.S. relief funds to the Jesuits.
David Rockefeller told Kennedy that American business needed some kind of financial guarantee against political instability if they were going to do substantial private investments in Latin America. Kennedy set up a cheap political risk insurance program underwritten by a branch of the Agency for International Development (AID). (p. 205-206)
Kennedy also created the Business Group for Latin America. It was a CIA front to funnel private funds to secret operations that Robert Kennedy thought important. Enno Hobbling, a former CIA officer, was the executive director. (a shadow CIA, aka Enterprise)
DCI John McCone argued forcefully that Diem was the only leader who could hold South Vietnam together, but Robert Kennedy decided that he could not support such a repressive a regime, despite strong protests from some military leaders, the CIA, and the Catholic Church. One of the major U.S. lobbyist on behalf of Diem and his regime was Francis Cardinal Spellman of New York. There is some information that Diem was thinking about calling South Vietnam, the Catholic Republic of Vietnam.
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In 1949, James Angleton kept secret his relationship with Israeli intelligence (Mossad) because of State Department fears that public cooperation with the Israelis would complicate Arab and British relations. According to a former CIA officer who served as chief of station in Tel Aviv, no one at the State Department or CIA was anxious to have an open relationship with Israel. Israel was a country made possible by the Soviet Union introducing a UN Resolution, 181, which allowed the partitioning of Palestine. Moscow ordered Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia to supply Israel arms and training her pilots. (p.80)
In 1965, James Angleton's power in the CIA was enormous. This strength within CIA leadership came from his connections to Mossad. Angleton was operating his own intelligence service through the Israelis. At times these Mossad sources of intelligence were taken more seriously than the CIA's own field reports. (The Secret History of the CIA, page 309)
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In 1956 and 1958, declassified documents have revealed, the US Army loosed swarms of specially bred mosquitoes in Georgia and Florida to see whether disease-carrying insects could be weapons in a biological war. The mosquitoes bred for the tests were of the Aedes Aegypti type, the precise carrier of dengue fever as well as other diseases. In 1967 it was reported by Science magazine that at the US government center in Fort Detrick, Maryland, dengue fever was amongst those "diseases that are at least the objects of considerable research and that appear to be among those regarded as potential BW [biological warfare] agents."
In 1971, also according to participants, the CIA turned over to Cuban exiles a virus which causes African swine fever. Six weeks later, an outbreak of the disease in Cuba forced the slaughter of 500,000 pigs to prevent a nationwide animal epidemic. The outbreak, the first ever in the Western hemisphere, was called the "most alarming event" of the Year by the United Nations Food and Agricultural Organization.
Ten years later, the target may well have been human beings, as an epidemic of dengue fever swept the Cuban island. Transmitted by blood-eating insects, usually mosquitoes, the disease produces severe flu symptoms and incapacitating bone pain. Between May and October 1981, over 300,000 cases were reported in Cuba with 158 fatalities, 101 of which were children under.
In 1977, newly released CIA documents disclosed that the Agency "maintained a clandestine anti-crop warfare research program targeted during the 1960s at a number of countries throughout the world."
Source: Killing Hope by William Blum
The Wackenhut Corporation maintained and updated its files even after the McCarthyite hysteria had ebbed, adding the names of antiwar protesters and civil-rights demonstrators to its list of "derogatory types." By 1965, Wackenhut was boasting to potential investors that the company maintained files on 2.5 million suspected dissidents-one in 46 American adults then living. in 1966, after acquiring the private files of Karl Barslaag; a former staff member of the House Committee on Un-American Activities, Wackenhut could confidently maintain that with more than 4 million names, it had the largest privately held file on suspected dissidents in America. (the Shadow CIA)
Source: Age of Surveillance by Frank Donner and Inside the Shadow CIA by John Connolly, SPY Magazine - Sept 1992 - Volume 6)
See my on-line book for more and notations of sources:
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