newsviewsnolose@yahoogroups.com on behalf of dick.mcmanus
Now we need to impeach AWOL Bush, Cheney, et al.
We also need to re-start investigations that were shut down by the Justice Department during the 1980s.
US Justice Department covered-up drug trafficking
SUMMARY of those who covered up investigations or fail to prosecute and witnesses accusing them of the cover ups
US Customs Attaché to Thailand, Joe Jenkins and an unknown named CIA Officer, US v Liang Sae Tiew, et al. – July 1971
– witness/accuser: DEA agent Michael Levine
US Attorney Asa Hutchinson for Fort Smith, Arkansas (1982 to October 1985) and US Attorney J. Michael Fitzhugh and US Secretary of the Treasury Nicholas F. Brady – US v Berry Seal - end of 1982 thru 1985.
- witnesses/accusers: IRS Agent William "Bill" C. Duncan, Louisiana State Police sergeant Jack Crittendon, Arkansas state police investigator Russell Welch, Arkansas State Attorney General Bryant in 1991, Former Arkansas Supreme Court Justice Jim Johnson, Terry Reed and Jim Nugent,
Related case: Arkansas State Medical Examiner, Dr. Fahmy Malak, Arkansas State Attorney General's office, Gary Arnold, Saline County, AR grand jury investigator Dan Harmon, Assistant US Attorney in Arkansas Bob Govar, US.Attorney in Arkansas Chuck Banks, Iay Campbell, and Kirk Lane – case of murders of Kevin Ives, 17, and Don Henry, 16, middle of 1989.
- accuser/witness: Arkansas State Drug Task Force prosecuting attorney, Jean K. Duffey -
Assistant US Attorney Michael Sullivan for Miami, FL. and Federal Judge Alcee Hastings - US v Roberto Suarez, et al. - 1980
- witness/accuser: DEA agent Michael Levine
US Attorney Kellner in Miami - US v Contra for gun-running and drug trafficking - accuser/witnesses: Assistant US Attorney Jeffrey Feldman and unknown named FBI agents - May 14, 1986.
CIA officials reported falsely, in response to an inquiry from Justice, June 1983, and the DEA office in Honduras was shut down, US v Juan Ramon Matta Ballesteros and SETCO Air, et al., - 1989
Unknown named top officials in our government and US Attorney General Edward Meese, US v members of the military and staff of incoming President of Mexico Carlos Salinas de Gortari - 1987
– witnesses/ accusers: DEA agent Michael Levine and Phil Jordan, DEA Special Agent in charge in Dallas from 1984 to 1994.
US Attorney Allan Bersin in San Diego – case of federal-state, multi-agency, and Drug Enforcement Task Force SWAT team and Assistant US Attorneys or US Attorney perjuring themselves in an effort to cover up false arrest and shooting – 1992
witness/ accuser: DEA agent Michael Levine
CIA Director James Woolsey and unknown named smugglers of the Venezuelan National Guard - US v General Guillen et al, -1990 to 1993.
witnesses/accusers: DEA Country attaché in Venezuela Annabella Grimm, Federal Judge Robert Bonner, Miami US Attorney's office, and US Customs agents –
Attorney General Richard Thornburgh, Manhattan District Attorney Robert Morganthau , Robert Mueller, head of the Justice Department's, Criminal Division, and Treasury Secretary James Brady – US v BCCI - failed to investigate and prosecute, impeding our investigation of the Special Counsel and asking witnesses not to cooperate them–
witness/accuser: Senate Special Counsel Jack A. Blum investigating the BCCI for Sen. John Kerry's subcommittee and William von Raab, US customs commissioner from 1982 to 1989
Honduran President Policarpo Paz García, military intelligence boss Col. Leonides Torres, and national police chief, Col. Gustavo Alvarez Martínez., Juan Ramón Matta Ballesteros , (accessory after the fact to crimes these bad guys) US Department of Justice, Inspector General Michael Bromwich and Nancy Pelosi member, House Committee on Intelligence - July 23, 1998
witness/accuser: DEA agent Celerino Castillo III and DEA agent Michael Levine
Celerino Castillo III fought in Vietnam from 1971-1972, where he saw the effects of drugs on U.S. troops. By 1975 he was a Texas cop, later a detective working drug cases. In 1980 he joined the DEA and worked the streets of New York. Then it was off to Peru in 1984-1985, and Guatemala from 1985-1990. While stationed in Guatemala, Castillo was the DEA agent in charge of anti- drug operations in El Salvador from 1985-1987. This is when he discovered that Oliver North's contras were running cocaine from the Ilopango airport.
In June 1983, the DEA office in Honduras was shut down, one month after the local DEA agent started investigating SETCO.
DEA agent Castillo did his best to bust them, but they were protected by the CIA.
"By the end of 1988," he writes, "I realized how hopelessly tangled DEA, the CIA, and every other U.S. entity in Central America had become with the criminals. The connections boggled my mind" (page 208).
Castillo gathered evidence during 1984 and 1985 that known traffickers piloted CIA- and NSC-owned airplanes, using two CIA and NSC hangars at an airbase in Central America. These CIA-paid pilots obtained US visas, despite their drug trafficking dossiers were in US Government law enforcement databases. Once inside the US, some of these pilots would use their CIA credentials to ward off U.S. Customs and DEA agents.
"Hundreds of flights each week [through Ilopango] delivered cocaine to the buyers and returned with money headed for ... Panama." "From Panama, the money was wired to a Costa Rican bank account held by the Contras" (pgs 138-39).
"There is no doubt that they were running large quantities of cocaine into the U.S. to support the [Nicaraguan] Contras." "We saw the cocaine and we saw boxes full of money. We're talking about very large quantities of cocaine and millions of dollars." "...my reports contain not only the names of traffickers, but their destinations, flight paths, tail numbers, and the date and time of each flight." (1994 interview (How the Contras Invaded the United States, by Dennis Bernstein and Robert Knight, (c) 1996)
His life was in danger, and in about1990, he resigned his job with DEA. Lawrence Walsh's office extensively debriefed Castillo, but when Walsh released his massive report in 1993, the narcotics connection was nowhere to be found.
Castillo and Dave Harmon wrote a book about all this, Powderburns: Cocaine, Contras and the Drug War. 1994.
http://www.namebase.org/books14.html
For the detailed story see: US Justice Department covered-up drug trafficking
A good short summary of the above CIA drug money lanudering and banking operations
10/23/08The Politics of Heroin; CIA Complicity In The Global Drug Trade by Paul DeRienzo
U.S. diplomat William Walker seriously discredited news reports of a true Kosovo Albanian atrocity, an alleged execution-massacre of 45 people by Yugoslav (Serb) police in the Kosovo village of Racak January 15, 1999 This incident was used to justify NATO's bombing of Yugoslavia . In Kosovo, as confirmed by KLA press statements, Walker worked closely with the KLA in his capacity as the head of the Kosovo Verification Mission. Clinton sent made him the UN administrator for Eastern Slavonia from 1997 to 1998.
"http://www.balkanpeace.org/index.php?index=article&articleid=12224"
Interestingly, William Walker, the first Western diplomatic observer on the scene at Racak, was involved previously in the Iran-Contra scandal in funding the covert U.S.-backed anti-government force in Nicaragua. Afterwards, he was appointed as U.S. ambassador to El Salvador, during which time the death squad activity against left-wing guerillas escalated.
Pres. Bill Clinton tried to make Walker Ambassador to Panama, in 1993, the Catholic Church in Panama and local political activists reacted loud and fast and this changed Clinton mind and he was not appointed.
William Walker, the U.S. diplomat who first acquired notoriety in Central America in the late 1980s, is now being used to promote a seriously discredited atrocity story to justify NATO's bombing of Yugoslavia [see box]. It has been a hard sell for someone with Walker's reputation.
Walker was U.S. ambassador to El Salvador in November 1989 when six leading Jesuit priests, their housekeeper, and her daughter were dragged from their beds and murdered by the Salvadoran Army.
The killings were carried out by the Atlacatl Battalion, which was recruited, trained, and deployed by the U.S. military, supposedly in order to improve the Salvadoran Army's human rights performance. The Atlacatl was responsible for the worst atrocities of the entire war.
Walker's Cover-Up
As declassified State Department cables later showed, Walker worked diligently to cover up the real authors of the Jesuit murders, particularly Army Chief of Staff René Emilio Ponce, who was identified in the 1993 United Nations Truth Commission on El Salvador as the senior officer behind the crimes.
Although journalists suspected Ponce from the first days, Walker suggested the killers were FMLN guerrillas. The suggestion was dismissed as absurd by Jesuits, given the proximity of the murder scene to Salvadoran Armed Forces headquarters, where soldiers would certainly have noticed the shooting.
When Lucia Barrera de Cerna, a neighbor of the Jesuits and the only eyewitness who dared to come forward, said that she had seen men at the murder scene dressed in camouflage uniforms similar to those of the Salvadoran Army, Walker launched a smear campaign against her, telling journalists that Ms. Cerna had fabricated her story under instructions from a human rights worker. He played a key role in organizing the ordeal in Miami in which she was held incommunicado and terrorized in an effort to get her to recant her story.
When Walker learned that the Jesuits and the Spanish and French embassies were flying Ms. Cerna and her husband out of El Salvador for safety, he hurried with aides to the airport. He insisted that U.S. officials accompany the Cernas on their flight to Miami, supposedly to ease their way through passport control. After arguments with French diplomats who were providing the plane and seemed to smell a rat, Walker got his Embassy legal officer and an FBI agent aboard the flight.
Once in Miami, instead of being received by American Jesuits as planned, she and her husband were hustled by U.S. authorities to a hotel where they were held by the FBI for a week of "questioning."
Ms. Cerna was subjected to what Jesuit Provincial José María Tojera later called a "cruel interrogation." San Salvador's Roman Catholic Archbishop, Arturo Rivera y Damas, called it "aggressive and violent" and "blackmail," saying her questioners threatened to send Mr. Cerna, or both of them, back to El Salvador if she didn't change her story and "tell the truth."
Faced with the threat to her husband, whom U.S. officials were already accusing of being a member of the FMLN, Ms. Cerna recanted her testimony and said she had heard and seen nothing, and in fact never even got out of bed that night. She returned to her original testimony as soon as she was free of the control of U.S. authorities.
State Department cables released in 1994 reveal. He was requesting Washington to halt all investigation of the Jesuit killings immediately, and to order the Embassy to do the same.
"I have reached the conclusion," he wrote in a cable on the Jesuits' case, "that the [U.S.] Embassy [in San Salvador] must cease the pursuit of unilateral overt information-gathering or face continued no-win decisions and criticism. I recommend that the Embassy be so instructed and that all further investigative effort be left to the GOES [government of El Salvador]. SECRET."
Walker first emerged in the Iran-Contra Scandal as the right-hand man of Oliver North and Elliott Abrams in illegal arms shipments to the Contras out of Ilopango airbase in El Salvador. Walker was responsible for setting up a phony humanitarian operation at an airbase in Ilopango, El Salvador. This shell organization was used as a conduit for arms and supplies to the Contra and cocaine back to the US.
Before that, he was deputy chief of mission at the embassy in Honduras when U.S. authorities were recruiting officers from Somoza's deposed National Guard to establish the Contras, and forming military death squads that murdered hundreds of Honduran workers, labor organizers and students.
The Contra force had been set up in Honduras in the early 1980s, the very time that William Walker was posted to the US Embassy there as Deputy Chief of Mission. In 1985 he was promoted to the post of Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Central America until 1988. This promotion made him a special assistant to Elliot Abrams, who was then Assistant Secretary of State. In 1988, he was Ambassador to El Salvador till to 1992.
Any "regrets" he felt must not have lasted long. In May 1996, a decade after the Iran-Contra debacle, Walker was head of a ceremony honoring more than 5,000 U.S. soldiers who secretly fought in El Salvador, in direct violation of the congressional restriction limiting the number of U.S. military "advisers" to 55.10
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