Thursday, January 31, 2008

Abortion and the Earth


By Kelpie Wilson
t r u t h o u t | Environment Editor

Tuesday 29 January 2008

Many women and couples in Japan who have terminated a pregnancy choose to honor the soul of the child through a practice called mizuko jizo. In this ritual the parents purchase a doll, adorn it and enshrine it in a temple, where it is cared for by priests.

On this recent thirty-fifth anniversary of the Roe v. Wade Supreme Court decision legalizing abortion, pro-choice activists are calling for a new approach to the issue.

Frances Kissling, former president of Catholics for Free Choice, and Kate Michelman, former president of NARAL Pro-Choice America, wrote in an OpEd article in The Los Angeles Times: "Our vigorous defense of the right to choose needs to be accompanied by greater openness regarding the real conflict between life and choice, between rights and responsibility. It is time for a serious reassessment of how to think about abortion in a world that is radically changed from 1973."

Kissling and Michelman acknowledge that the anti-choice movement has made great inroads into the consciousness of America, which now has some of the most restrictive abortion laws in the developed world. Part of the success of the anti-abortion message comes down to advances in technology, they say. The ubiquitous ultrasound images of fetuses and the survival of premature babies at earlier and earlier stages has established the unborn as a category of persons with rights in the minds of many people.

As the specter of back alley abortions recedes and women no longer die by the thousands from botched abortions, the old arguments about a woman's life and her right to autonomy over her own body are holding less sway. Kissling and Michelman warn: "If pro-choice values are to regain the moral high ground, genuine discussion about these challenges needs to take place within the movement."

The moral arguments about abortion rarely consider the physical limits of the planet, but if they did, and if abortion were put into the context of the long history of human attempts to avoid starvation by regulating population growth, we might come to a different conclusion about what "pro-life" really means.

An increased awareness of the fetus and its rights is not the only change in the moral landscape of reproduction since 1973. The other change that must be acknowledged is that we have far exceeded the capacity of the planet to sustain our numbers, and that human life and civilization are now deeply threatened by resource depletion, toxic pollution and climate catastrophe. Already, shortages of food, fuel and water are making it difficult to meet the basic needs of the 6.5 billion people on the planet and no one has any idea how we will feed the 9.1 billion people projected to be here by 2050.

Saving Babies

The new moral landscape that Kissling and Michelman refer to was covered in an article by Stephanie Simon, January 23, 2008, on the growing youth movement against abortion.

Simon reports on a group of eighth-graders who have "spiritually adopted" an unknown fetus, giving it a name and praying that its mother will not abort it. Another group of teenagers see themselves as survivors of abortion. One young woman from a family of six children thinks about her classmates who come from small families and says: "I look at my friends and I wonder, 'Where are your siblings?'"

This caring attitude of concern is being nourished by some religious leaders who are encouraging teens to take it beyond the abortion issue and volunteer with programs for AIDS sufferers and the homeless.

It is significant that young people are being recruited to the pro-life side by appealing to their feelings of loving kindness for what they are told are victims of abortion. You can say that they are being manipulated into this position by concerted religious propaganda, and there's a lot of truth to that, but there is a reason why young people are ripe for this. We live in a world where almost ten million children under age five die every year from preventable causes. In our world, five million people were killed in the Congo over the last decade and no one in the developed world took any notice. People all over the planet are suffering, and no one is coming to their aid. It's an uncaring world, and so the impulse to do something, to reach out, help and save some of these victims is very strong.

It is also interesting that some of these children are identifying themselves as survivors of abortion. They look around and see missing brothers and sisters and don't see any reason why a pregnant woman would abort a child and deny it a place in the family. What they don't see is that most women who seek abortions do so in order to conserve resources for children they already have.

But, setting aside for a moment the many completely valid reasons women have for seeking an abortion, it is important to acknowledge that every one of us is a survivor of abortion. Between 20 and 50 percent of all pregnancies end in a natural abortion where the woman's body for whatever reason - whether it is a genetically malformed embryo or some environmental or even social stress - is triggered to abort. This happens all the time and it is completely natural.

Everyone who is born is a survivor of natural abortion. And everyone who celebrates a first birthday is a survivor of infant mortality. Throughout history and pre-history in cultures across the face of Planet Earth, there has always been a large amount of infant mortality. Babies often died within the first month, year or several years after birth because of harsh environmental conditions, and this is the way it has been for human beings until very recently.

Spontaneous abortion helps us see that we are not actually separate from our environment, whether it is the environment of the womb or the environment of the planet. With each conception of a being, the conception is only the beginning. We are all very much dependent on the environment, and no one more so than a tiny embryo or fetus in its mother's womb. The universe does not guarantee a right to life.

Abortion As a Sacrament

To make moral judgments about abortion, it is not enough to consider how we live today. We have to consider how we will live tomorrow on a resource-depleted and climate-compromised planet. To grasp the future, it will also help to have a better understanding of our past as a species.

For the first 100,000 years of our existence, the human population consisted of a couple of million hunter-gatherers scattered across the planet. Studies of modern hunter-gatherers, like the Kalahari San, show that women had long intervals of four to five years between births and produced an average of four children each. Only two children typically survived to reproduce themselves, leading to a stable population.

Long birth intervals were the key to population control. Women who are very lean and only getting just enough to eat, stop having periods when a nursing baby draws down their reserves, and so they remain infertile for the period of nursing. This is nature's birth control. If for some reason a woman did become pregnant when her child was still only a year or two years old, this presented a huge problem because as a nomadic hunter-gatherer she could not carry two children and nurse two children at once. It would kill her, and so very often when that happened, people throughout history let a newborn die. They might expose it on a hillside or they might smother it as it was being born. It was very sad, but something that had to be done because there was no way that the woman and her other child would survive.

Hunter-gatherers were not the only people who had to take steps to control population. Island cultures have long faced the absolute resource limits that the whole world is facing today. For this reason, the Japanese have a long history of using abortion to control family size. Historically, Japan had no reliable contraceptive methods and so abortion was the only alternative to infanticide.

Although it is condoned, abortion is not treated casually by traditional Japanese culture. The life of the aborted embryo or fetus is honored through a ritual practice called mizuko jizo. Mizuko means "child of the water" and is used to refer to the soul of a child who has been returned to the gods. Jizo is the name of the Buddhist god who protects and guides that soul on its journey to another world. The parents purchase a doll, adorn it and enshrine it in a temple, where it is cared for by priests.

Abortion is regarded as the parents deciding to return a child to the gods, sending a child to a temporary place until such time that it is right for the child to come into this world, either into the same family or another one. The child is returned because the parents, at that time, would be unable to provide enough love, money or attention to this child without it being to the detriment of their present family. Practicing mizuko jizo allows the parents to provide a certain amount of attention to the child, who is seen as a member of their family, to apologize to the child and to ask for forgiveness from the child for being unable to bring it up.

Honoring the life of the embryo or fetus transforms abortion from a sin to a sacrament. To understand that a tiny embryo must sometimes be sacrificed for the greater good of the family or the human species as a whole is the moral high ground that we stand on today.

This doesn't mean that any woman should ever be forced to abort a child against her will, but it does mean that women need to be free to choose, because history has shown that when women have the freedom to choose, by and large they will not raise more children than they can take care of, and ultimately, that means that they will not raise more children than the planet can support. The reason we have lost this understanding today is because of a long period of anti-woman propaganda.

Patriarchy

With the human species, and actually throughout the animal kingdom, it's an interesting fact of evolution that the sexes, male and female, don't always have exactly the same interests. There is one extreme example from the animal world that illustrates this dilemma. The anthropologist Sarah Blaffer Hrdy studied the hanuman langur monkeys of India and discovered a very disturbing result of their social patterns. The females travel in groups and raise their babies together, while the males battle for control of the female harems. When a new male establishes dominance, he will try to kill as many of the young infants as he can so he can mate with the females as soon as possible.

Once her baby is gone, a female immediately comes into heat and copulates with the male who killed her child. Obviously, this may have some benefits to the males. In a brutally competitive environment, they get a chance to see their own babies be born and reared, but for the females, this is nothing but bad news. It takes a tremendous amount of physical investment for a female to carry and raise a baby. All of her energy investment is lost when a new male comes along, but she really has no other choice but to submit.

In human history, especially in the deeper past, from what we can tell, there wasn't anything like this; in fact, there is plenty of evidence that human females were very successful in organizing themselves in coalitions of solidarity that regulated society to their benefit. Anthropologist Chris Knight and others have shown that women synchronized menstrual periods to regulate sexual access to females and motivate males to provide meat from the hunt.

Male cooperation and provisioning was critically important for human women because our babies are very helpless, and it requires a huge, huge investment to raise a baby. To regularly lose a baby and have to start over again would not have worked at all for our species. Human females throughout the hunter-gatherer period were very successful in organizing the males to provide for them and in minimizing violence against the females.

But something new happened with the advent of agriculture: people became sedentary. The whole equation around energy and reproduction changed, and it became possible, with stored agricultural produce, to have more babies at shorter birth intervals because they didn't have to be carried around. Suddenly there was massive population growth in the human species. This population growth led to an increase in friction between groups of people and ultimately led to war. Prior to the end of the last Ice Age, there was not much evidence of warfare, but when the ice melted, agriculture took hold, and as archeologist Mary Settegast documents in her book, "Plato Prehistorian," stone arrowheads specialized for war proliferated across Europe and the Near East.

As conflict increased, the males started to gain more power in human social groups as defenders of the clan and tribe, and eventually, what happened was something very new. The males began to assert their control over female reproduction. This was not something that had happened before with the human species, and the first sign we see of this is in the agricultural civilizations of the ancient Near East. The world's first anti-abortion law is found in the Middle Assyrian law code, as discussed by the historian Gerda Lerner in her book "The Creation of Patriarchy." The law required a woman who obtained an abortion to be killed by a stake driven through her heart. It was the harshest punishment the society had.

The curious thing is that this was not a pro-life law code. It was about male control over females. Men claimed for themselves the prerogative to kill any young infants that they wanted to or to sell their children or their wives into slavery. In particular, the new law allowed them to choose to raise more males who could fight as soldiers in armies. This initiation of male reproductive choice in the ancient agricultural civilizations of the Bronze Age is what set patriarchy on its current trajectory of empire, war and the ultimate conquest of the Earth itself that is killing our planet.

It's the remnant of this system that we see today in the extreme fundamentalist theologies that want to remove not only abortion from a woman's options, but birth control as well. It's a little-known fact that the leaders of today's pro-life movement are also very strongly against birth control, and they have a campaign they call the Quiver Full movement that is urging Christian woman, especially white Christian women, to have as many babies as they possibly can. The babies are a "quiver full of arrows" for the Army of God. They even connect this with the immigration debate, saying that the reason why we have so many immigrants is because white, native-born American women are not breeding enough.

Now the genocidal implications of this are clear, but there is also the fact that large families are really completely unnatural for human beings. The natural hunter-gatherers rarely had more than five children and rarely more than two or three who lived to reproduce. So, the idea of a woman having seven or ten or more children is completely unnatural. It's certainly not good for a woman's body to go through that many pregnancies, and it's completely an artifact of patriarchy, male dominance and attempts to control female reproduction.

Elizabeth Gurley Flynn was an American labor radical and an early proponent of family planning who criticized this system back before 1920. She said: "The large family system rivets the chains of slavery upon labor more securely. It crushes the parents, starves the children, and provides cheap fodder for machines and cannons."

Solutions

Population is projected to rise to nine billion by 2050, but as recently as 1929, when my parents were born, there were only about two billion people on the planet. That's exactly the number that our best scientists say we can support on this planet with a comfortable lifestyle, not a poor scrabbling starvation lifestyle, living on a dollar a day - the way the majority of people on this planet live today - but a comfortable lifestyle. If we want to meet all the goals for development of human society, nine billion people are too many for that to happen. The ecological limits of the planet say that, and there's really nothing we can do about it.

That doesn't mean that we have to do anything violent or drastic or genocidal or inhumane, but we do need to think about a social and economic system that will move us to that point as quickly as possible, and that system involves complete reproductive freedom and comprehensive health care for all women. We must trust women to make the reproductive decisions that are best for them and the planet.

As a way to focus on the long-term goal of reducing human population to two billion people, families - that is, extended families - could start by looking at how many members were in their family in 1929 or 1930. Sisters and brothers and cousins who were less enthusiastic about having children could, in effect, assign their quota of children to sisters and brothers and cousins who might want to have bigger families. A family of three or four children will be a healthy choice for some. Families of one and two children should be celebrated and encouraged, as well as families of no children or adopted children. More and more women and couples today are choosing to remain childless. A survey in 1995 found that 6.6 percent of women in 1995 declared themselves voluntarily childless, up from 2.4 percent in 1982.

Young people today may find it sad that they come from a small family with few or no siblings, but in a way that is a blessing too. For too long, human society has been fractured into tribes and clans of genetically related people. Today we recognize more and more that we are all part of one human family. We need to look around us and adopt our brothers and sisters from the ranks of our neighbors and friends.

At the end of the day, the most fundamental issue is growth. We live in a culture and an economic system that promotes growth as the ultimate and greatest good. On a finite planet, this amounts to suicide. Growth was good for a certain time. At the beginning of the Industrial Age, it was good to grow our capacity, but with oil - the prime mover of that Industrial Age - running out and also causing grave life-threatening, species-threatening, world-threatening problems of global warming and toxic pollution, growth is no longer good, especially growth in the quantity of goods and the quantity of people.

If we want to meet our goals for the development of human culture and the increase of well-being, the first prerequisite is that we change our attitude about the growth of human population. Most crucially today, a different attitude about abortion may be the key to opening our minds and hearts to the new reality of a contracting human population on a shrinking planet.


Kelpie Wilson is Truthout's environment editor. Trained as a mechanical engineer, she embarked on a career as a forest protection activist, then returned to engineering as a technical writer for the solar power industry. She is the author of "Primal Tears," an eco-thriller about a hybrid human-bonobo girl. Greg Bear, author of "Darwin's Radio," says: "'Primal Tears' is primal storytelling, thoughtful and passionate. Kelpie Wilson wonderfully expands our definitions of human and family. Read Leslie Thatcher's review of Kelpie Wilson's novel "Primal Tears."

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WA is now 4th in Union Density!

WA Moves Up to 4th Place in Union Density!

Union membership in Washington State increased by 30,000 in 2007 to an estimated 579,000 and the state's union membership jumped to 20.2% from 19.8% in 2006, according to the US Department of Labor's Bureau of Labor Statistics. That increase brings Washington State from 5th to 4th highest in terms of the unionization rates. Only, New York, Alaska and Hawaii, in that order, have higher rates.

"Washington State is proving once again that it is good for families and good for business." said Rick Bender, President of the Washington State Labor Council. "Recently Forbes Magazine named Washington's business climate 5th in the nation and that, coupled with the protection that unions bring to Washington families, it is a win, win for everyone."

Nationally union density increased by 311,000 to 15.7 million in 2007 which is the largest single-year increase in union membership since 1979.

Bender said that the increase in national union membership is a sign that American workers are recognizing the importance of representation and job protection despite the fact that current labor law is tilted in favor of business.

According to the Department of Labor's survey full-time wage and salary workers who were union members earned a median salary of $863 while those who were not represented by unions had median weekly earning of $663. Union members also traditionally receive superior benefits as compared to their non-union counterparts including better healthcare and pensions.

Note: The DOL news release on union membership statistics and related details are posted at http://www.bls.gov/news.release/union2.toc.htm


Governor Gregoire Announces $3 Million Apprenticeship Program

A $3 million apprenticeship program for jobs in the aerospace industry in the State of Washington was announced today by Governor Chris Gregoire at a rally at Machinist District 751. The rally, dubbed “America’s Edge”, is an attempt to muster support for technical education and training for our nation’s youth to address the severe skills shortage facing America.

While saying that the state must still be frugal with the budget, when it comes to investment in training and apprenticeships, Governor Gregoire said, “This is not the time to slow up but to gear up and go forward.” The funds are intended to be used for both curriculum and equipment. The Governor said the investment is in response to aerospace suppliers throughout the state who are in desperate need of skilled workforce to fill vacancies.

Joining with the Governor and the IAM, Iowa Governor Tom Vilsack said, “This is not just about jobs and the economy; it is about what is fundamental to this country .... The challenge is to make sure there are enough of us to continue to make things and build things here in America.”

“It is great to see Governor Gregoire make investments in aerospace workers and the industry,” said Tom Wroblewski, Machinists 751 district president. “This will pay long term dividends for our competitive place in the world as we vie for these jobs in the global market.”

Community and technical colleges face difficulties funding technical and apprenticeship programs according to American Federation of Teachers President Sandra Schroeder. She praised the Governor’s program and emphasized the need for state of the art equipment and small class size in order to produce qualified, skilled workers.

Both House Speaker Frank Chopp and Senate Majority Leader Lisa Brown have spoken in support of the Governor’s apprenticeship program.

During her tenure the Governor has pushed hard for investment in apprenticeships. In January of 2005 there were 8,500 men and women in apprenticeship programs and now there are 14,500 apprenticeships throughout the state.


Join in on an Inspiring Movie Night

Shirley Chisolm, pioneer, activist and the first black woman to run for President of the United States, is the subject of a documentary to be shown this month at the SPEEA Headquarters building. The event, sponsored by the NW Woman’s Advocacy Committee, will kick off Black History Month and we can guarantee this film will certainly set the mood for a great month!

One reviewer commented: “For all who think that Obama is a good public speaker, and he is, Chisholm is absolutely galvanizing. When she exclaims that she is running for president because she has the "courage, the balls and the audacity" to believe she can win, it is as tough and as inspiring as any words spoken by any present-day politician.”

Don’t miss this one time special event?. But remember space is limited so please RSVP.

Chisholm ’72: Unbought and Unbossed

Thursday, January 31 – 5:30 PM

SPEEA Headquarters

15205 52nd Ave S., Seattle

RSVP 206 433-0991


An Economic Bridge to Nowhere

An Economic Bridge to Nowhere

by Marie Cocco

Ask an economist to explain a recession and you’ll likely get a description that involves declining demand, slowing production and an accounting of this or that “excess” in the economy (this time, it’s screwy mortgage lending and the housing bubble) that has to be wrung out of the system before things can be set right.

Ask a worker to describe a recession, and it’s much simpler: It’s when people lose their jobs.

This is why in every recession since 1958, Congress has enacted a temporary extension of unemployment benefits beyond the customary 26 weeks of payments made by states. The stopgap benefits keep families afloat during times when jobs are scarce and the duration of a jobless period can lengthen well beyond six months.

The money flows quickly through a system that’s already in place-no new bureaucracy is needed to dispense it. The cash goes to people who have been directly affected by the downturn, not to those who may never really feel the pinch. That’s why the Congressional Budget Office recently rated extending unemployment benefits (along with temporarily enhancing food stamp benefits) the most efficient and effective of the ideas proposed for inclusion in an economic stimulus package.

Looking back on the experiences of long-term unemployment insurance recipients during the recession of 2001, for example, the CBO found that average family income was half of what it had been when a recipient was working. About a third of these families saw their incomes fall below the poverty line, and 40 percent lacked health insurance. Mark Zandi of Moody’s Economy.com has estimated that every $1 increase in unemployment insurance benefits generates a short-term boost of $1.64 in gross domestic product.

Unemployment insurance is such a surefire way to get money to people who will spend it immediately that, historically, it has been called an “automatic stabilizer.”

Now House Republican leaders are calling it “extraneous spending.”

The bargain that led the Bush White House and the bipartisan leadership of the House to reach a deal on an economic stimulus package was that the Democrats had to drop demands for government spending of any kind-even spending that puts money directly into the pockets of people who’ve lost their jobs. In exchange, the Democrats won tax rebates for some wage earners who pay Social Security and Medicare payroll taxes, but do not earn enough to pay income taxes.

That’s better than failing to give these workers anything at all. But there isn’t anything logical about agreeing that low-wage workers need a break, while somehow the unemployed do not. Unemployment insurance isn’t welfare. It’s not pork-barrel spending or any sort of boondoggle. It is designed precisely for times like these, when workers are laid off and can’t easily find new work because of overall economic sluggishness.

In fact, the system has long been neglected while the very nature of work has evolved. Part-time workers who are laid off usually aren’t covered by unemployment insurance, leaving millions-particularly women-without this safety net. In many states, a worker must certify that he or she is looking for full-time work in order to be counted as among the unemployed, even if the job that’s been lost was a part-time position and even if other common eligibility tests are met. Gaps in the unemployment system already have reduced the percentage of unemployed workers who actually receive benefits to under 40 percent, according to an analysis by the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities.

A broad overhaul is overdue. But trying to achieve this in the teeth of a looming recession, when the political impetus is to act quickly on a stimulus plan, shouldn’t be tried.

Ideological illogic shouldn’t trump proven effectiveness, either. Yet that’s the root of Republican objections to extending unemployment benefits as part of the stimulus package. The House Republican leaders, John Boehner and Roy Blunt, in announcing the agreement last week, cited unemployment benefits as “extraneous spending”-and crowed about keeping them out of the package.

Aiding the unemployed is not the moral equivalent of building a bridge to nowhere. No policy currently under discussion-including those tax rebates you may already be counting on-is better targeted or delivered more quickly. The Senate, which begins writing its own stimulus package this week, must help the jobless who are the very face of recession.

Marie Cocco

© 2008, Washington Post Writers Group

It’s Her Party and She’ll Do What She Wants To

It’s Her Party and She’ll Do What She Wants To

by Paul Rogat Loeb

Hillary Clinton has now been campaigning in Florida and arguing that the state’s delegates should count, along with those from the Michigan primary. This would sound fair enough, unless you know that both Michigan and Florida moved their primaries up after the Democrats agreed that the only states to vote before February 5th (”Super Tuesday”) would be Iowa, New Hampshire, Nevada and South Carolina (picked because they were relatively small states, representing different demographics). The Democratic Party agreed that votes from the two renegade primaries would not count. The major candidates made an explicit agreement not to campaign in either state. Florida law required that all candidates keep their names on, but Obama and Edwards pulled their names from the Michigan ballot.

Now Clinton is trying to change the rules mid-game. She’s arguing that her delegates from Michigan should count after all. (Running essentially unopposed, she still got only 55% of the vote, since 40% voted “uncommitted” and Dennis Kucinich and Mike Gravel–and Chris Dodd, who’d already dropped out–split the remaining 5%.) She’s campaigning in Florida with a wink and a nod (doing closed talks and photo ops, not public rallies), while trying to get those delegates to count too. She seems to be banking on the hope that a Florida win, even if only symbolic, will erase Obama’s momentum from his massive South Carolina victory.

Now you can argue the right or wrong of the Democratic decision to put teeth into the agreement that the primaries should have some kind of structured sequence, and not just be a mad dash to see who comes earliest. And the Florida situation was created not by state Democrats but by the Republican legislature. But I can find no evidence that Clinton raised objections when the initial decisions were made. And now she’s trying to change the rules in the middle of the game. Her surrogate Bill overtly supported a similar attempt when allied teachers union officials tried to ban special caucuses on the Nevada strip after the Culinary Workers Union endorsed Obama. Ironically, Clinton won a majority of these caucuses, but her contempt for the rules was the same. She was a team player only when she thought it would benefit her.

We actually saw the same pattern in 2006. In a season when Democratic candidates were scrambling to raise enough to finance an ever-expanding array of competitive races, Clinton made a conscious decision to raise $52 million for a Senate campaign that she could have won in her pajamas, spent $40.8 million (to beat a token opponent who spent less than $6 million), and transferred the rest to her presidential campaign. Only the self-funded Jon Corzine has ever spent more for a Senate race in our history.

You could say she was just playing the game, but Barack Obama and John Edwards, in comparison, campaigned throughout the country to support worthy Democratic candidates, while doing negligible fundraising for themselves. Obama emerged with less than a million in the bank and the Edwards campaign ended up still in debt from 2004. Their top priorities really did seem to be helping other Democrats win a critical election, instead of subordinating all other goals to their own personal futures.

Imagine if Hillary had transferred $20 million into the dozen Congressional campaigns that Democrats lost by margins as close as a few hundred votes. Or into Harold Ford’s Senatorial campaign, to help close a $5-million gap with Republican Bob Corker. A few extra ads or mailings might well have tipped the balance But Hillary made different decisions. Much as may have been true with her support of a recent Iran vote so reckless that Senator James Webb called it “Dick Cheney’s pipe dream,” her priority was election-year positioning.

If we look at Clinton’s actions throughout this campaign, they consistently put her right to win above broader principles. Even the tears that turned around her New Hampshire campaign seemed to me to be about her frustration that the nomination she thought was her birthright seemed about to slip away. As Frank Rich has written, even her choice to feature Bill Clinton in the campaign as lead attack dog risked bringing up enough old ghosts to sharply increase the likelihood of Republican victory in November. No one runs for president unless they are ambitious, but once you think you have the right to rewrite the rules in mid-course, or subordinate every opportunity of your critical allies to your own personal gain, you set up a precedent unsettlingly like the administration we have just endured for the past seven years. And I don’t think we want to go there again.

Paul Rogat Loeb is the author of The Impossible Will Take a Little While: A Citizen’s Guide to Hope in a Time of Fear, named the #3 political book of 2004 by the History Channel and the American Book Association. His previous books include Soul of a Citizen: Living with Conviction in a Cynical Time. See www.paulloeb.org

Pay No Attention to That Clinical Data or Squandered Tax Payer Dollars for Medicaid Drugs

Pay No Attention to That Clinical Data or Squandered Tax Payer Dollars for Medicaid Drugs

by Martha Rosenberg

“The American Heart Association is cautioning patients if they stop taking Vytorin abruptly, Schering-Plough and Merck’s stock price will fall.”

That’s how a cartoon showing a news anchor would read after revelations that the American Heart Association–which receives nearly $2 million a year from Vytorin makers Merck and Schering-Plough–and the American College of Cardiology told patients to stay on the drug despite a recent damning study.

Cholesterol drug, Vytorin was hyped as treating “cholesterol from two sources: food and family” but found to work no better than lower priced Zocor in the Enhance clinical study whose results were released in January.

Merck and Schering-Plough have pulled Vytorin ads, prescriptions are down 22 percent and federal and state law makers are asking What-did-they-know-and-when-did-they-know-it? questions of the pharma giants.

Rep. John D. Dingell (D-MI), Chairman of the House Energy and Commerce Committee which requisitioned the study results, and Rep. Bart Stupak (D-MI), Chairman of the Oversight and Investigations Subcommittee now want to know if an outside panel Merck and Schering-Plough convened which changed the “end points” or purpose of the study to finesse the bad results is guilty of manipulating data and whether the Enhance study had a data safety monitoring board.

Dingell and Stupak also want to know more about the Merck and Schering-Plough-funded, $350,000 “cholesterol page” on the American Heart Association web site.

Months before the HRT-implicating Women’s Health Initiative (WHI), the American Heart Association ran an article paid for by Wyeth-Ayerst Research in its journal Circulation that said hormone therapy had “no significant effect on the risk for stroke among postmenopausal women with coronary disease.”

They’ve also requested the amount of Medicare and Medicaid dollars spent on Vytorin since April 2006, arousing memories of the overpriced and over prescribed to the elderly drug, Vioxx.

The state of New York, for example, spent $21 million for Medicaid prescriptions for Vytorin in the last two years–it costs $3 a pill compared with 3 cents a pill for Zocor–prompting New York Attorney General Andrew Cuomo to also launch an investigation.

“Drug companies are on notice that concealing critical information about life-saving prescription drugs, profiting at the expense of patients’ health, and wasting taxpayer dollars, is simply unacceptable,” said Cuomo.

Cuomo also has questions about why Carrie Smith Cox, a Schering-Plough executive vice president, sold 900,000 company shares for $28 million on April 20, according to an SEC filing.

The U.S. Food and Drug Administration is also reviewing the Enhance study–who remembers when FDA was the first not last responder?–though it’s not advising doctors to stop prescribing the drug because of the clinical belly flop.

Similarly, many doctors the Arkansas Democrat-Gazette interviewed said they were keeping patients on Vytorin despite being “inundated” with calls from patients asking if they should continue. The data are not all in yet, they say.

But on the industry site cafepharma.com, an anonymous drug salesman met a different reception from a doctor he calls on.

“Got my ass chewed about if I knew… when was I going to give him the head’s up … he looks like an ass in front of his patients,” posts the drug rep days after the Enhance study results hit.

“I just nodded and said that I got the information just about the same time he did and that I’m heartsick over it. LDL lowering more than Zocor!! I got thrown out.”

One patient in Little Rock came out and asked his doctor the question that must be on many Vytorin takers’ minds. “[I]f they say that ‘It’s not doing any good,’ then why take it ?” Ronald Hesselschwerdt, 74, told the Arkansas Democrat-Gazette.

We don’t know if the doctor answered the stock price will fall if you don’t.

Martha Rosenberg is a cartoonist for the Evanston Roundtable in Evanston, Illinois.

Super Bowl of Shame

Super Bowl of Shame

by Jamie Menutis

What’s more American than football, apple pie and Chevrolet? How about cool brand new radial tires?

That’s what Bridgestone Firestone North American Tire, LLC wants us to believe. The former American, now Japanese-owned, tire manufacturer is spending about $10 million to sponsor this year’s Super Bowl halftime show in Phoenix. It will spend that much again in 2009 for next year’s halftime show when the Super Bowl takes place in Tampa. The company would like to fill your head with images of carefree cruising along some coastline, not a trouble in sight, riding on your four new Bridgestone Tires. It’s very important to Bridgestone Firestone that you retain this image and feeling inside of you whenever you hear the name Bridgestone Firestone.

Without this advertising-inspired image, you might start to consider and care about another one. Such as a seven-year-old Liberian girl, sick from toxins, with blistered skin, her eyes unprotected from the latex she is harvesting as she laboring on the Firestone Rubber Plantation. Or perhaps, you’d worry about striking workers and their families being beaten, detained and arrested solely because they want their union elections to be recognized and to, at last, be treated with dignity.

Child Labor

For the past 82 years, the tire giant has operated the world’s largest rubber plantation in Liberia. Children have worked on Firestone’s plantation in Liberia for decades. Rubber workers and their families have lived in squalid and inhumane conditions since the plantation’s beginning. Management wrongly believed that the world wasn’t paying attention. But they were wrong. Unfortunately for Bridgestone Firestone, the company’s dirty little secret is out of the bag.

Bridgestone’s legal and public relations dilemmas are now numerous. Former child laborers used on Firestone’s rubber plantation in Liberia have joined together in a 2005 class action lawsuit filed against the company in the U.S. District Court in the Southern district of Indiana, Indianapolis division. The lawsuit remains in discovery phase. With virtually no coverage in the mainstream press, its progress is being kept largely out of the public eye.

In late December, much to Bridgestone’s dismay, their Liberian farm workers who earn $3.19 a day, had their legitimate attempts to unionize approved by the Liberian Supreme Court. On December 6, when Firestone had earlier refused to recognize or bargain with the newly elected union, the workers went on strike and were brutally repressed by police forces.
“Firestone’s failure to recognize the results of a free and fair union election are a flagrant violation of International Labor Organization Standards,” said United Steel Workers President Leo W. Gerard. Since having its union approved by the Liberian Supreme Court, the pressure is on. Firestone must decide whether to listen to its workers or continue down its current path.

Workers’ Victory

“This is a huge victory for the workers,” said Bama Athreya, executive director of the International Labor Rights Forum. “We hope that Firestone’s management will resolve to negotiate a new collective bargaining agreement in good faith with the new leaders.”

It’s been a tough couple of years for the tire giant. How can a corporation with this kind of reputation for disregarding human rights regain some of its international status and profits? How about agreeing to sponsor the 2008 Super Bowl XLII halftime show on February 3, along with next year’s Super Bowl halftime show and the 2008 Pro Bowl in Hawaii? What’s a better way to get Americans to associate the company’s name in a positive light than to flash it on all their television screens when they are having a good time, maybe drinking a beer, and enjoying a performance by rocker Tom Petty?

“Watched by 140 million viewers in the United States last year, the Super Bowl is annually the nation’s highest-rated TV program and the most-watched single-day sporting event,” the company said in its press release about the deal. FOX will broadcast the football game and the halftime show. In other words, sponsoring the Super Bowl guarantees high visibility. It’s therefore, a great venue for throwing in a couple of 30 second ads at up to $3 million apiece. According to Tirereview.com, Bridgestone’s other public relations activities currently include being the NFL’s “official tire” and sponsoring an interactive theme park.

Big Bucks

Of course, all of this adds up. Whether the money could be directed towards bettering the conditions at the plantation in Liberia is a good question to ask. While the exact costs associated with the 2008 Super Bowl XLII halftime sponsorship by Bridgestone Firestone are unknown, we do know that in 2005, Ameriquest reportedly spent $15 million for its Super Bowl halftime sponsorship. Sports Business Journal is estimating this that Bridgestone will spend about $10 million per year on the 2008 and 2009 Super Bowl halftime shows.

The United States buys more Bridgestone Firestone tires than any other country. We love our cars, but we should not be fooled into buying anything from a company that treats its workers no better than slave masters did long ago. They are simply profiting from the unjust sweat, toil and exploitation of fellow human beings.

If Bridgestone Firestone needs more proof of just how much the exploitation of child workers can affect their profits, they need look no further than to the effects such issues had upon sports giant Nike or Wal-Mart’s clothing line by Kathy Lee Gifford. Consumers felt ashamed to purchase these items once they learned the truth about their production. Profits and name brands were aversely affected.

Until Bridgestone Firestone improves conditions for its workers, enters into negotiations with elected union leadership and strictly prohibits the use of child labor on its rubber farm in Liberia, Americans should reconsider purchasing anything made by that company. This is an area where, absent a full-scale boycott by the U.S. government, a gesture made with the strength of the dollar speaks loudly and will be heard by Bridgestone Firestone’s owners. America’s solidarity with Liberia’s workers will also be heard and appreciated.

Jamie Menutis, a Foreign Policy In Focus contributor, is a freelance journalist based in New Orleans. She worked with Liberian refugees in West Africa recording human rights abuses in the 1990s for the State Department’s U.S. Refugee Resettlement Program.

For More Information

To take action and learn more about the conditions at the Firestone Rubber Plantation in Liberia, visit the Stop Firestone Coalition website. The Institute for Policy Studies, the parent organization of Foreign Policy In Focus, is a Stop Firestone partner.

Copyright © 2008, Institute for Policy Studies

Afghan Women Protest American Kidnapping

Afghan Women Protest American Kidnapping

by Noor Khan

About 500 Afghan women gathered in a rare mass protest Tuesday against the kidnapping of an American aid worker. The women, many wearing burqas, called on officials to find the captive American and urged the kidnappers to release her.0129 02

Officials said they still had not identified any suspects in the kidnapping of Cyd Mizell and her Afghan driver, Abdul Hadi. Gunmen abducted the two Saturday in a residential neighborhood of the southern city of Kandahar.

The demonstration by so many Afghan women in the conservative southern province of Kandahar was a rare display of women’s wishes. The 90-minute meeting was filled with prayers and speeches calling on government leaders to act.

Rona Tareen, director of the Kandahar Women’s Association, urged Mizell’s captives to free her immediately, saying she had helped Kandahar’s women with small business projects.

“She was here helping the woman in Kandahar. She was trying to get their embroidery outside of the country,” Tareen told the 500 to 600 women - many wearing the all-encompassing burqa - who gathered in a Kandahar wedding hall. The crowd estimate came from participants in the rally and an Associated Press journalist.

“Her kidnapping is against our culture and tradition,” Tareen said. “We demand that the kidnappers free her immediately.”

Another woman, Bibi Nanai, said she received permission from her husband to join the protest.

“I came from my home to show my support,” Nanai said. “We are very upset.”

Kandahar Gov. Asadullah Khalid said Tuesday there were still no suspects in the case and authorities were searching for clues.

No one has claimed responsibility for the kidnapping. Taliban spokesman Zabiullah Mujahid reiterated Tuesday that he could neither confirm nor deny that Taliban militants had taken the American woman and her driver.

Mizell, who was wearing a burqa when she was taken, works on aid projects for the Asian Rural Life Development Foundation. The director of her organization, Jeff Palmer, said the kidnappers still had not contacted any officials.

“That’s part of the frustration that we’re dealing with right now,” Palmer said Monday. “We are hoping they will contact us. We want to hear about the safety of Cyd and the driver.”

“Nobody really knows” who the kidnappers are, Palmer said.

The Asian Rural Life Development Foundation has taken precautionary measures for other staff members in Kandahar, he said, but declined to elaborate.

Mizell, who taught English at Kandahar University and gave embroidery lessons at a girls’ school, speaks the local Pashtu language well, colleagues said. She has worked for the foundation in Kandahar for the last three years, Palmer said.

Several foreigners - including 23 South Koreans, two German construction workers and two Italian journalists - have been kidnapped in Afghanistan in the last year, but kidnappings of Americans are rare. An American civilian was briefly abducted in Kabul in April 2005 but escaped by throwing himself from a moving car.

Kidnappings of Afghans for ransom have been on the rise in the last year, and rumors persist of foreign governments paying large ransoms to win the freedom of their citizens. Two of the 23 South Koreans kidnapped in July were killed while the rest were freed.

Meanwhile, visiting German Defense Minister Franz Josef Jung told President Hamid Karzai that German troops are ready to “participate in operations against terrorists and cooperate with other international forces in any other part of the country,” said a statement from Karzai’s office.

Jung, who also held talks with his Afghan counterpart Gen. Abdul Rahim Wardak in Kabul, praised the role German troops play in training the fledgling Afghan National Army. Jung also planned to visit some of the 3,000 German troops serving in the relatively peaceful north.

Last year was Afghanistan’s most violent since the ouster of the Taliban in the U.S.-led invasion in 2001. More than 6,500 people - mostly militants - died as a result, according to an Associated Press count of figures provided by local and international officials.

Most of the fighting occurs in the country’s south and east. Germany has been criticized for not joining the frontline of the fight against Taliban and other militants in these areas.

© 2008 Associated Press

Kucinich Postpones Bush Impeachment Effort

Kucinich Postpones Bush Impeachment Effort

by Sabrina Eaton

WASHINGTON — After promising to mark President Bush’s final State of the Union speech by introducing articles of0129 06 1 impeachment against Bush, Cleveland Democratic Rep. Dennis Kucinich postponed the effort.

Kucinich said Monday that he met with members of the House Judiciary Committee after making last week’s impeachment pledge. He said he came away “hopeful there will be an inquiry by the Judiciary Committee.”

“I will give them the opportunity to proceed before introducing articles of impeachment,” he said in a statement. The committee’s spokeswoman did not respond to requests for comment.

Last year, Kucinich introduced a measure to impeach Vice President Dick Cheney that has collected 24 co-sponsors. His effort to bring the matter before the full House won support from Republicans who wanted to embarrass House Demo cratic leaders, but eventually was referred to the Judiciary Committee.

Kucinich told The Plain Dealer editorial board last week that nine of the Judiciary Committee’s 40 members favor his bid to impeach Cheney.

“I do not believe that there will be an impeachment this year — I don’t think that will happen — but I do think that the questions relating to an inquiry of both the president and the vice president are important so that our nation has a real understanding of the effort that was made, a consistent effort, to mislead the people into supporting a war,” he said.

© 2008 The Plain Dealer

Tomgram: Bombs Away Over Iraq‏

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Tomgram: Bombs Away Over Iraq

Looking Up

Normalizing Air War from Guernica to Arab Jabour
By Tom Engelhardt

A January 21st Los Angeles Times Iraq piece by Ned Parker and Saif Rasheed led with an inter-tribal suicide bombing at a gathering in Fallujah in which members of the pro-American Anbar Awakening Council were killed. ("Asked why one member of his Albu Issa tribe would kill another, Aftan compared it to school shootings that happen in the United States.") Twenty-six paragraphs later, the story ended this way:

"The U.S. military also said in a statement that it had dropped 19,000 pounds of explosives on the farmland of Arab Jabour south of Baghdad. The strikes targeted buried bombs and weapons caches.

"In the last 10 days, the military has dropped nearly 100,000 pounds of explosives on the area, which has been a gateway for Sunni militants into Baghdad."

And here's paragraph 22 of a 34-paragraph January 22nd story by Stephen Farrell of the New York Times:

"The threat from buried bombs was well known before the [Arab Jabour] operation. To help clear the ground, the military had dropped nearly 100,000 pounds of bombs to destroy weapons caches and I.E.D.'s."

Farrell led his piece with news that an American soldier had died in Arab Jabour from an IED that blew up "an MRAP, the new Mine-Resistant Ambush-Protected armored vehicle that the American military is counting on to reduce casualties from roadside bombs in Iraq."

Note that both pieces started with bombing news -- in one case a suicide bombing that killed several Iraqis; in another a roadside bombing that killed an American soldier and wounded others. But the major bombing story of these last days -- those 100,000 pounds of explosives that U.S. planes dropped in a small area south of Baghdad -- simply dangled unexplained off the far end of the Los Angeles Times piece; while, in the New York Times, it was buried inside a single sentence.

Neither paper has (as far as I know) returned to the subject, though this is undoubtedly the most extensive use of air power in Iraq since the Bush administration's invasion of 2003 and probably represents a genuine shifting of American military strategy in that country. Despite a few humdrum wire service pieces, no place else in the mainstream has bothered to cover the story adequately either.

For those who know something about the history of air power, which, since World War II, has been lodged at the heart of the American Way of War, that 100,000 figure might have rung a small bell.

On April 27, 1937, in the midst of the Spanish Civil War (a prelude to World War II), the planes of the German Condor Legion attacked the ancient Basque town of Guernica. They came in waves, first carpet bombing, then dropping thermite incendiaries. It was a market day and there may have been as many as 7,000-10,000 people, including refugees, in the town which was largely destroyed in the ensuing fire storm. More than 1,600 people may have died there (though some estimates are lower). The Germans reputedly dropped about 50 tons or 100,000 pounds of explosives on the town. In the seven decades between those two 100,000 figures lies a sad history of our age.

Arab Jabour, the Sunni farming community about 10 miles south of the Iraqi capital that was the target of the latest 100,000-pound barrage has recently been largely off-limits to American troops and their Iraqi allies. The American military now refers generically to all Sunni insurgents who resist them as "al Qaeda," so in situations like this it's hard to tell exactly who has held this territory.

At Guernica, as in Arab Jabour 71 years later, no reporters were present when the explosives rained down. In the Spanish situation, however, four reporters in the nearby city of Bilbao, including George Steer of the Times of London, promptly rushed to the scene of destruction. Steer's first piece for the Times (also printed in the New York Times) was headlined "The Tragedy of Guernica" and called the assault "unparalleled in military history." (Obviously, no such claims could be made for Arab Jabour today.) Steer made clear in his report that this had been an attack on a civilian population, essentially a terror bombing.

The self-evident barbarism of the event -- the first massively publicized bombing of a civilian population -- caused international horror. It was news across the planet. From it came perhaps the most famous painting of the last century, Picasso's Guernica, as well as innumerable novels, plays, poems, and other works of art.

As Ian Patterson writes in his book, Guernica and Total War:

"Many attacks since then, including the ones we have grown used to seeing in Iraq and the Middle East in recent years, have been on such a scale that Guernica's fate seems almost insignificant by comparison. But it's almost impossible to overestimate the outrage it caused in 1937… Accounts of the bombing were widely printed in the American press, and provoked a great deal of anger and indignation in most quarters…"

Those last two tag-on paragraphs in the Parker and Rasheed Los Angeles Times piece tell us much about the intervening 71 years, which included the German bombing of Rotterdam and the blitz of London as well as other English cities; the Japanese bombings of Shanghai and other Chinese cities; the Allied fire-bombing of German and Japanese cities; the U.S. atomic destruction of Hiroshima and Nagasaki; the Cold War era of mutually assured destruction (MAD) in which two superpowers threatened to use the ultimate in airborne explosives to incinerate the planet; the massive, years-long U.S. bombing campaigns against North Korea and later North and South Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia; the American air power "victories" of Gulf War I and Afghanistan (2001); and the Bush administration's shock-and-awe, air-and-cruise-missile assault on Baghdad in March 2003, which, though meant to "decapitate" the regime of Saddam Hussein, killed not a single Iraqi governmental or Baath Party figure, only Iraqi civilians. In those seven decades, the death toll and damage caused by war -- on the ground and from the air -- has increasingly been delivered to civilian populations, while the United States has come to rely on its Air Force to impose its will in war.

One hundred thousand pounds of explosives delivered from the air is now, historically speaking, a relatively modest figure. During the invasion of Iraq in 2003, a single air wing from the USS Kitty Hawk, an aircraft carrier stationed in the Persian Gulf, did that sort of damage in less than a day and it was a figure that, as again last week, the military was proud to publicize without fear of international outrage or the possibility that "barbarism" might come to mind:

"From Tuesday afternoon through early Wednesday the air wing flew 69 dedicated strike missions in Basra and in and around Baghdad, involving 27 F/A-18 Hornets and 12 Tomcats. They dropped nearly 100,000 pounds of ordnance, said Lt. Brook DeWalt, Kitty Hawk public affairs officer."

As far as we know, there were no reporters, Iraqi or Western, in Arab Jabour when the bombs fell and, Iraq being Iraq, no American reporters rushed there -- in person or by satellite phone -- to check out the damage. In Iraq and Afghanistan, when it comes to the mainstream media, bombing is generally only significant if it's of the roadside or suicide variety; if, that is, the "bombs" can be produced at approximately "the cost of a pizza" (as IEDs sometimes are), or if the vehicles delivering them are cars or simply fiendishly well-rigged human bodies. From the air, even 100,000 pounds of bombs just doesn't have the ring of something that matters.

Some of this, of course, comes from the Pentagon's success in creating a dismissive, sanitizing language in which to frame war from the air. "Collateral damage" stands in for the civilian dead -- even though in much of modern war, the collateral damage could be considered the dead soldiers, not the ever rising percentage of civilian casualties. And death is, of course, delivered "precisely" by "precision-guided" weaponry. All this makes air war seem sterile, even virginal. Army Col. Terry Ferrell, for instance, described the air assaults in Arab Jabour in this disembodied way at a Baghdad news conference:

"The purpose of these particular strikes was to shape the battlefield and take out known threats before our ground troops move in. Our aim was to neutralize any advantage the enemy could claim with the use of IEDs and other weapons."

Reports -- often hard to assess for credibility -- have nonetheless seeped out of the region indicating that there were civilian casualties, possibly significant numbers of them; that bridges and roads were "cut off" and undoubtedly damaged; that farms and farmlands were damaged or destroyed. According to Hamza Hendawi of the Associated Press, for instance, Iraqi and American troops were said to have advanced into Arab Jabour, already much damaged from years of fighting, through "smoldering citrus groves."

But how could there not be civilian casualties and property damage? After all, the official explanation for this small-scale version of a "shock-and-awe" campaign in a tiny rural region was that American troops and allied Iraqi forces had been strangers to the area for a while, and that the air-delivered explosives were meant to damage local infrastructure -- by exploding roadside bombs and destroying weapons caches or booby traps inside existing structures. As that phrase "take out known threats before our ground troops move in" made clear, this was an attempt to minimize casualties among American (and allied Iraqi) troops by bringing massive amounts of firepower to bear in a situation in which local information was guaranteed to be sketchy at best. Given such a scenario, civilians will always suffer. And this, increasingly, is likely to be the American way of war in Iraq.

The ABCs of Air War in Iraq

So let's focus, for a moment, on American air power in Iraq and gather together a little basic information you're otherwise not likely to find in one place. In these last years, the Pentagon has invested billions of dollars in building up an air-power infrastructure in and around Iraq. As a start, it constructed one of its largest foreign bases anywhere on the planet about 80 kilometers north of Baghdad. Balad Air Base has been described by Newsweek as a "15-square-mile mini-city of thousands of trailers and vehicle depots," whose air fields handle 27,500 takeoffs and landings every month.

Reputedly "second only to London's Heathrow Airport in traffic worldwide," it is said to handle congestion similar to that of Chicago's O'Hare International Airport. With about 140,000 tons a year of cargo moving through it, the base is "the busiest aerial port" in the global domains of the Department of Defense.

It is also simply massive, housing about 40,000 military personnel, private contractors of various sorts, and Pentagon civilian employees. It has its own bus routes, fast-food restaurants, sidewalks, and two PXs that are the size of K-Marts. It also has its own neighborhoods including, reported the Washington Post's Thomas Ricks, "KBR-land" for civilian contractors and "CJSOTF" (Combined Joint Special Operations Task Force), "home to a special operations unit [that] is hidden by especially high walls."

Radar traffic controllers at the base now commonly see "more than 550 aircraft operations in just one day." To the tune of billions of dollars, Balad's runways and other facilities have been, and continue to be, upgraded for years of further wear and tear. According to the military press, construction is to begin this month on a $30 million "state-of-the-art battlefield command and control system [at Balad] that will integrate air traffic management throughout Iraq."

National Public Radio's Defense Correspondent Guy Raz paid a visit to the base last year and termed it "a giant construction site… [T]he sounds of construction and the hum of generators seem to follow visitors everywhere. Seen from the sky at night, the base resembles Las Vegas: While the surrounding Iraqi villages get about 10 hours of electricity a day, the lights never go out at Balad Air Base."

This gargantuan feat of construction is designed for the military long haul. As Josh White of the Washington Post reported recently in a relatively rare (and bland) summary piece on the use of air power in Iraq, there were five times as many U.S. air strikes in 2007 as in 2006; and 2008 has, of course, started off with a literal bang from those 100,000 pounds of explosives dropped southeast of Baghdad. That poundage assumedly includes the 40,000 pounds of explosives that got modest headlines for being delivered in a mere 10 minutes in the Arab Jabour area the previous week, but not the 16,500 pounds of explosives that White reports being used north of Baghdad in approximately the same period; nor, evidently, another 15,000 pounds of explosives dropped on Arab Jabour more recently. (And none of these numbers seem to include Marine Corps figures for Iraq, which have evidently not been released.)

Who could forget all the attention that went into the President's surge strategy on the ground in the first half of last year? But which media outlet even noticed, until recently, what Bob Deans of Cox News Service has termed the "air surge" that accompanied those 30,000 surging troops into the Iraqi capital and environs? In that same period, air units were increasingly concentrated in and around Iraq. By mid-2007, for instance, the Associated Press was already reporting:

"[S]quadrons of attack planes have been added to the in-country fleet. The air reconnaissance arm has almost doubled since last year. The powerful B1-B bomber has been recalled to action over Iraq… Early this year, with little fanfare, the Air Force sent a squadron of A-10 ‘Warthog' attack planes -- a dozen or more aircraft -- to be based at Al-Asad Air Base in western Iraq. At the same time it added a squadron of F-16C Fighting Falcons… at Balad."

Meanwhile, in the last year, aircraft-carrier battle groups have been stationed in greater numbers in the Persian Gulf and facilities at sites near Iraq like the huge al-Udeid Air Base in Qatar continue to be upgraded.

Even these increases do not tell the whole story of the expanding air war. Lolita Baldor of the Associated Press reported recently that "the military's reliance on unmanned aircraft that can watch, hunt and sometimes kill insurgents has soared to more than 500,000 hours in the air, largely in Iraq." The use of such unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs), including Hellfire-missile armed Predators, doubled in the first ten months of 2007 -- with Predator air hours increasing from 2,000 to 4,300 in that period. The Army alone, according to Baldor, now has 361 drones in action in Iraq. The future promises much more of the same.

American military spokespeople and administration officials have, over the years, decried Iraqi and Afghan insurgents for "hiding" behind civilian populations -- in essence, accusing them of both immorality and cowardice. When such spokespeople do admit to inflicting "collateral damage" on civilian populations, they regularly blame the guerrillas for turning civilians into "shields." And all of this is regularly, dutifully reported in our press. On the other hand, no one in our world considers drone warfare in a similar context, though armed UAVs like the Predators and the newer, even more heavily armed Reapers are generally "flown" by pilots stationed at computer consoles in places like Nellis Air Force Base outside Las Vegas. It is from there that they release their missiles against "anti-Iraqi forces" or the Taliban, causing civilian deaths in both Iraq and Afghanistan.

As one American pilot, who has fired Predator missiles from Nellis, put it:

"I go from the gym and step inside Afghanistan, or Iraq… It takes some getting used to it. At Nellis you have to remind yourself, 'I'm not at the Nellis Air Force Base. Whatever issues I had 30 minutes ago, like talking to my bank, aren't important anymore.'"

To American reporters, this seems neither cowardly, nor in any way barbaric, just plain old normal. Those pilots are not said to be "hiding" in distant deserts or among the civilian gamblers of Caesar's Palace.

Anyway, here's the simple calculus that goes with all this: Militarily, overstretched American forces simply cannot sustain the ground part of the surge for much longer. Most, if not all, of those 30,000 troops who surged into Iraq in the first half of 2007 will soon be coming home. But air power won't be. Air Force personnel are already on short, rotating tours of duty in the region. In Vietnam back in the late 1960s and early 1970s, as ground troops were withdrawn, air power ramped up. This seems once again to be the pattern. There is every reason to believe that it represents the American future in Iraq.

From Barbarism to the Norm

The air war is simply not visible to most Americans who depend on the mainstream media. In part, this is because American reporters, who have covered every other sort of warfare in Iraq, simply refuse to look up.

It should be no surprise then that news of a future possible escalation of the air war was first raised by a journalist who had never set foot in Iraq and so couldn't look up. In a December 2005 piece entitled "Up in the Air," New Yorker investigative reporter Seymour Hersh suggested that "a key element of [any] drawdown plans, not mentioned in the President's public statements, is that the departing American troops will be replaced by American airpower… The danger, military experts have told me, is that, while the number of American casualties would decrease as ground troops are withdrawn, the over-all level of violence and the number of Iraqi fatalities would increase unless there are stringent controls over who bombs what."

After Hersh broke his story, the silence was deafening. Only one reporter, as far as I know, has even gone up in a plane -- David S. Cloud of the New York Times, who flew in a B-1 from an unnamed "Middle Eastern airfield" on a mission over Afghanistan. Thomas Ricks traveled to Balad Air Base and did a superb report on it in 2006, but no reporter seems to have bothered to hang out with American pilots, nor have the results of bombing, missile-firing, or strafing been much recorded in our press. The air war is still largely relegated to passing mentions of air raids, based on Pentagon press releases or announcements, in summary pieces on the day's news from Iraq.

Given American military history since 1941, this is all something of a mystery. A Marine patrol rampaging through an Iraqi village can, indeed, be news; but American bombs or missiles turning part of a city into rubble or helicopter gunships riddling part of a neighborhood is, at best, tag-on, inside-the-fold material -- a paragraph or two, as in this AP report on the latest fighting in an undoubtedly well-populated part of the city of Mosul:

"An officer, speaking on condition of anonymity because he was not authorized to release the information, said three civilians were wounded and helicopters had bombarded buildings in the southeastern Sumar neighborhood, which has seen frequent attacks on U.S. and Iraqi forces that have led to a series of raids."

The predictably devastating results of helicopters "bombarding" an urban neighborhood in a major Iraqi city, if reported at all, will be treated as just the normal "collateral damage" of war as we know it. In our world, what was once the barbarism of air war, its genuine horror, has been transformed into humdrum ordinariness (if, of course, you don't happen to be an Iraqi or an Afghan on the receiving end), the stuff of largely ignored Air Force news releases. It is as unremarkable (and as American) as apple pie, and nothing worth writing home to mom and the kids about.

Maybe then, it's time for Seymour Hersh to take another look. Or for the online world to take up the subject. Maybe, sooner or later, American mainstream journalists in Iraq (and editors back in the U.S.) will actually look up, notice those contrails in the skies, register those "precision" bombs and missiles landing, and consider whether it really is a ho-hum, no-news period when the U.S. Air Force looses 100,000 pounds of explosives on a farming district on the edge of Baghdad. Maybe artists will once again begin pouring their outrage over the very nature of air war into works of art, at least one of which will become iconic, and travel the world reminding us just what, almost five years later, the "liberation" of Iraq has really meant for Iraqis.

In the meantime, brace yourself. Air war is on the way.

Tom Engelhardt, who runs the Nation Institute's Tomdispatch.com, is the co-founder of the American Empire Project. His book, The End of Victory Culture (University of Massachusetts Press), has been thoroughly updated in a newly issued edition that deals with victory culture's crash-and-burn sequel in Iraq.

[Note on Air-War Readings: The Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) published a study in December 2007 on the air war in Iraq, which can be read by clicking here (PDF file). Figures on the rising intensity of air power in that country can be found there -- of a sort that the Washington Post only recently reported on. For some historical background on U.S. air power and the bombing of noncombatants, I suggest checking out Mark Selden's "A Forgotten Holocaust."

Those who, in these years, wanted to find out something substantive about the air war in Iraq had to look to independent sites on line. At Tomdispatch, I began writing on the air war in 2004. See, for instance, "Icarus (armed with Vipers) Over Iraq"; others have taken up the subject at this site since: See Dahr Jamail's "Living Under the Bombs"; Nick Turse's "Bombs Over Baghdad, The Pentagon's Secret Air War in Iraq" and "Did the U.S. Lie about Cluster Bomb Use in Iraq" (both of which involved the sort of reporting, long distance, that American journalists should have been doing in Iraq); and Michael Schwartz's "A Formula for Slaughter: The American Rules of Engagement from the Air," among other pieces. On the air war in Afghanistan, see my "'Accidents of War,' The Time Has Come for an Honest Discussion of Air Power."]

Copyright 2008 Tom Engelhardt