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RON PAUL AND BLACKS
HOUSTON CHRONICLE 1996 - Paul, a Republican obstetrician from Surfside,
said Wednesday he opposes racism and that his written commentaries about
blacks came in the context of "current events and statistical reports of
the time." Selected writings by Paul were distributed Wednesday by the
campaign of his Democratic opponent, Austin lawyer Charles "Lefty"
Morris.
Morris said many of Paul's views are "out there on the fringe" and that
his commentaries will be judged by voters in the November general
elections. Paul said allegations about his writings amounted to
name-calling by the Democrats and that his opponents should focus
instead on how to shrink government spending and reform welfare.
Morris and Paul are seeking the 14th Congressional District seat held by
Greg Laughlin of West Columbia. Laughlin lost the Republican primary to
Paul, a former congressman and the Libertarian Party's 1988 presidential
candidate. Paul, writing in his independent political newsletter in
1992, reported about unspecified surveys of blacks.
"Opinion polls consistently show that only about 5 percent of blacks
have sensible political opinions, i.e. support the free market,
individual liberty and the end of welfare and affirmative action," Paul
wrote.
Paul continued that politically sensible blacks are outnumbered "as
decent people." Citing reports that 85 percent of all black men in the
District of Columbia are arrested, Paul wrote: "Given the
inefficiencies of what D.C. laughingly calls the `criminal justice
system,' I think we can safely assume that 95 percent of the black males
in that city are semi-criminal or entirely criminal," Paul said.
Paul also wrote that although "we are constantly told that it is evil to
be afraid of black men, it is hardly irrational. Black men commit
murders, rapes, robberies, muggings and burglaries all out of proportion
to their numbers."
TEXAS OBSERVER - In one issue of the Ron Paul Survival Report, which he
had published since 1985, he called former U.S. representative Barbara
Jordan a "fraud" and a "half-educated victimologist." In another issue,
he cited reports that 85 percent of all black men in Washington, D.C.,
are arrested at some point: "Given the inefficiencies of what D.C.
laughingly calls the 'criminal justice system,' I think we can safely
assume that 95 percent of the black males in that city are semi-criminal
or entirely criminal." And under the headline "Terrorist Update," he
wrote: "If you have ever been robbed by a black teenaged male, you know
how unbelievably fleet-footed they can be."
In spite of calls from Gary Bledsoe, the president of the Texas State
Conference of the NAACP, and other civil rights leaders for an apology
for such obvious racial typecasting, Paul stood his ground. He said only
that his remarks about Barbara Jordan related to her stands on
affirmative action and that his written comments about blacks were in
the context of "current events and statistical reports of the time." He
denied any racist intent. What made the statements in the publication
even more puzzling was that, in four terms as a U. S. congressman and
one presidential race, Paul had never uttered anything remotely like
this.
When I ask him why, he pauses for a moment, then says, "I could never
say this in the campaign, but those words weren't really written by me.
It wasn't my language at all. Other people help me with my newsletter as
I travel around. . .
His reasons for keeping this a secret are harder to understand: "They
were never my words, but I had some moral responsibility for them . . .
I actually really wanted to try to explain that it doesn't come from me
directly, but the campaign aides said that's too confusing. 'It appeared
in your letter and your name was on that letter and therefore you have
to live with it.'" It is a measure of his stubbornness, determination,
and ultimately his contrarian nature that, until this surprising
volte-face in our interview, he had never shared this secret. It seems,
in retrospect, that it would have been far, far easier to have told the
truth at the time.
When I ask him why, he pauses for a moment, then says, "I could never
say this in the campaign, but those words weren't really written by me.
It wasn't my language at all. Other people help me with my newsletter as
I travel around. I think the one on Barbara Jordan was the saddest
thing, because Barbara and I served together and actually she was a
delightful lady." Paul says that item ended up there because "we wanted
to do something on affirmative action, and it ended up in the newsletter
and became personalized. I never personalize anything."
His reasons for keeping this a secret are harder to understand: "They
were never my words, but I had some moral responsibility for them . . .
I actually really wanted to try to explain that it doesn't come from me
directly, but they campaign aides said that's too confusing. 'It
appeared in your letter and your name was on that letter and therefore
you have to live with it.'" It is a measure of his stubbornness,
determination, and ultimately his contrarian nature that, until this
surprising volte-face in our interview, he had never shared this secret.
It seems, in retrospect, that it would have been far, far easier to have
told the truth at the time.
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RON PAUL AND BLACKS
HOUSTON CHRONICLE 1996 - Paul, a Republican obstetrician from Surfside,
said Wednesday he opposes racism and that his written commentaries about
blacks came in the context of "current events and statistical reports of
the time." Selected writings by Paul were distributed Wednesday by the
campaign of his Democratic opponent, Austin lawyer Charles "Lefty"
Morris.
Morris said many of Paul's views are "out there on the fringe" and that
his commentaries will be judged by voters in the November general
elections. Paul said allegations about his writings amounted to
name-calling by the Democrats and that his opponents should focus
instead on how to shrink government spending and reform welfare.
Morris and Paul are seeking the 14th Congressional District seat held by
Greg Laughlin of West Columbia. Laughlin lost the Republican primary to
Paul, a former congressman and the Libertarian Party's 1988 presidential
candidate. Paul, writing in his independent political newsletter in
1992, reported about unspecified surveys of blacks.
"Opinion polls consistently show that only about 5 percent of blacks
have sensible political opinions, i.e. support the free market,
individual liberty and the end of welfare and affirmative action," Paul
wrote.
Paul continued that politically sensible blacks are outnumbered "as
decent people." Citing reports that 85 percent of all black men in the
District of Columbia are arrested, Paul wrote: "Given the
inefficiencies of what D.C. laughingly calls the `criminal justice
system,' I think we can safely assume that 95 percent of the black males
in that city are semi-criminal or entirely criminal," Paul said.
Paul also wrote that although "we are constantly told that it is evil to
be afraid of black men, it is hardly irrational. Black men commit
murders, rapes, robberies, muggings and burglaries all out of proportion
to their numbers."
TEXAS OBSERVER - In one issue of the Ron Paul Survival Report, which he
had published since 1985, he called former U.S. representative Barbara
Jordan a "fraud" and a "half-educated victimologist." In another issue,
he cited reports that 85 percent of all black men in Washington, D.C.,
are arrested at some point: "Given the inefficiencies of what D.C.
laughingly calls the 'criminal justice system,' I think we can safely
assume that 95 percent of the black males in that city are semi-criminal
or entirely criminal." And under the headline "Terrorist Update," he
wrote: "If you have ever been robbed by a black teenaged male, you know
how unbelievably fleet-footed they can be."
In spite of calls from Gary Bledsoe, the president of the Texas State
Conference of the NAACP, and other civil rights leaders for an apology
for such obvious racial typecasting, Paul stood his ground. He said only
that his remarks about Barbara Jordan related to her stands on
affirmative action and that his written comments about blacks were in
the context of "current events and statistical reports of the time." He
denied any racist intent. What made the statements in the publication
even more puzzling was that, in four terms as a U. S. congressman and
one presidential race, Paul had never uttered anything remotely like
this.
When I ask him why, he pauses for a moment, then says, "I could never
say this in the campaign, but those words weren't really written by me.
It wasn't my language at all. Other people help me with my newsletter as
I travel around. . .
His reasons for keeping this a secret are harder to understand: "They
were never my words, but I had some moral responsibility for them . . .
I actually really wanted to try to explain that it doesn't come from me
directly, but the campaign aides said that's too confusing. 'It appeared
in your letter and your name was on that letter and therefore you have
to live with it.'" It is a measure of his stubbornness, determination,
and ultimately his contrarian nature that, until this surprising
volte-face in our interview, he had never shared this secret. It seems,
in retrospect, that it would have been far, far easier to have told the
truth at the time.
When I ask him why, he pauses for a moment, then says, "I could never
say this in the campaign, but those words weren't really written by me.
It wasn't my language at all. Other people help me with my newsletter as
I travel around. I think the one on Barbara Jordan was the saddest
thing, because Barbara and I served together and actually she was a
delightful lady." Paul says that item ended up there because "we wanted
to do something on affirmative action, and it ended up in the newsletter
and became personalized. I never personalize anything."
His reasons for keeping this a secret are harder to understand: "They
were never my words, but I had some moral responsibility for them . . .
I actually really wanted to try to explain that it doesn't come from me
directly, but they campaign aides said that's too confusing. 'It
appeared in your letter and your name was on that letter and therefore
you have to live with it.'" It is a measure of his stubbornness,
determination, and ultimately his contrarian nature that, until this
surprising volte-face in our interview, he had never shared this secret.
It seems, in retrospect, that it would have been far, far easier to have
told the truth at the time.
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